Almost a decade has passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union, which marked the end of the Cold War. During this time, the domestic situation in China and Russia, as well as in the international situation, have undergone significant changes. However, relations between China and Russia continued to develop successfully.

Our relations of strategic partnership and cooperation have already passed the test of time, and they play a positive role in stimulating cooperation between the two countries in all areas, as well as in ensuring peace in the region and around the world.

The formation and development of Sino-Russian strategic partnership relations is ultimately determined by the internal development needs of the two countries and their security interests. At the same time, they are also influenced by external factors, especially the American factor. Therefore, when studying the process of formation and prospects for the development of our relations, we should not lose sight of the relations between China, Russia and the United States at a new stage. ^*

After steady progress has been made in the sphere of bilateral relations and cooperation in the international arena, the content of their strategic partnership has become constantly manifested in practice^.

On July 16, 2001, President of the People's Republic of China Jiang Zemin and President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin signed the "Treaty of Good Neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation between the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation"in Moscow. Based on the generalization of the historical experience of relations between the two states, the principles, spirit and achievements achieved, as well as the ideology of peace, expressed in the formula "to be friends from generation to generation, never to be enemies", were consolidated in legal form. This is a policy document that sets the direction for the development of Sino-Russian relations in the new century.

THE CHINA - RUSSIA - US COLD WAR TRIANGLE

In the first half of the 20th century, Japan was the main state that influenced Sino-Russian (Soviet) relations. Since the Second World War and up to the present, the main Power that has influenced Sino-Russian relations has been the United States of America.

In order to better understand the influence of the American factor, it is necessary to briefly consider how it operated during the Cold War.

Its influence at that time can generally be divided into three phases: from the end of World War II to the formation of the People's Republic of China, from the creation of the PRC to the 60s, and in the 70s and 80s.

After 1945, the USSR and the United States turned from allies in the anti-fascist alliance into opponents. The entire history of the Cold War was basically a history of rivalry and confrontation between the Soviet Union and the United States. This process continued until the beginning of the 90s and the collapse of the USSR, only after that it really ended.

In 1945-1949, that is, before the formation of the People's Republic of China, a civil war broke out in China, and it found itself in the phase of "decisive battle for the fate of the country." At this time, both Moscow and Washington were pursuing a policy of bringing the Kuomintang government to their side. The USSR promised its support, and in exchange it concluded a Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Alliance that was beneficial for Moscow. The Kuomintang government, trying to prevent the USSR from supporting the Chinese Communist Party, on the one hand, relied on the United States to start a civil war, and on the other, followed a conciliatory course towards the Soviet Union. The United States sided with Chiang Kai-shek in his struggle against the CCP, hoping to establish its control over the Kuomintang government, extend its dominance throughout China, and limit the Soviet presence in that country as much as possible. Therefore, at that time, the influence of the United States on Sino-Soviet relations was direct and multifaceted. It can be argued that in a certain sense, the United States then acted as a backstage director of Sino-Soviet relations.

The American policy of supporting Chiang Kai-shek and the struggle against the CCP led to the fact that the new China in its foreign policy took the position of" orientation to one side " - the USSR. At the beginning of 1950, the PRC and the USSR concluded the "Sino-Soviet treaty of friendship, alliance and mutual assistance", and the two countries established relations of military - political alliance. The USSR and China considered-

^* When writing this article, we used official documents and statements of the leaders of China and Russia. In other words, all the provisions are based on the official position of the two countries.

^{* *} In 1992-1996, the development of Sino-Russian relations went through three stages (for more information, see Asia and Africa Today magazine No. 1, 2002).

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They viewed the United States as a common threat and a common enemy. This was the political basis of the union between the USSR and the PRC.

By the late 1950s, cracks began to appear in Sino-Soviet relations. One of the reasons for this development was related to the position of the two countries towards the United States. At that time, the USSR was trying to soften its relations with the United States and demanded that China adapt to this course and make concessions to Washington. The Chinese leadership reacted to this with doubt, fearing that the USSR and the United States might unite at the expense of China's interests, as it did during the end of World War II. A controversy has arisen between the PRC and Russia over whether "peaceful coexistence can become the general foreign policy line" of socialist states, as well as over the interpretation of the "essence of imperialism". In the United States, they closely followed the development of Sino-Soviet contradictions and prepared

use the situation to your advantage at the right moment. In the late 60s, armed conflicts broke out on the Sino-Soviet border, and the two neighboring countries were on the verge of war. In China, the threat from the Soviet Union was considered more serious than the threat from the United States. At the same time, the United States, embroiled in the Vietnam War, also decided that the Soviet threat was significantly greater than the threat posed by China. As a result, in this situation, the PRC and the United States came closer together, and the triangle formed relations characterized by the unification of the two sides against the Soviet Union.

In 1982, there was a certain detente in Sino-Russian relations, which was the result of many factors, among which the American one also played an important role. Since the Reagan administration came to power, tensions between China and the United States have increased, especially over Taiwan. Seeing this situation, the Soviet Union took the initiative and made proposals aimed at improving Sino-Soviet relations. China has responded positively to Moscow's moves based on the needs of its reform and opening-up policy and the deployment of a comprehensive foreign policy, as well as gaining more room for maneuver in the international arena. From that time on, Sino-Soviet relations began to develop in the direction of normalization. At the same time, the "essentially allied" relations between China and the United States gradually began to weaken.

AFTER THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION

After the collapse of the USSR, relations between China and the USSR were transformed into Sino-Russian relations. As mentioned above, in 1992-1996, Sino-Russian relations went through three phases of development, and the relations of strategic partnership and interaction were continuously implemented and developed. The end of the cold war led to major changes in the nature of relations in the China - Russia - US triangle, as the basis for strategic unification of Beijing and Washington was lost. China's importance in American foreign policy has diminished. After the political unrest in Beijing, on June 4, 1989, the United States imposed sanctions against-

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China, used the issue of "human rights" to interfere in Chinese internal affairs, and increased the supply of weapons to Taiwan, infringing on the sovereignty of the PRC. Sino-American relations have sunk to their lowest level since the 1970s.

The collapse of the Soviet Union led to the elimination of the ideological confrontation between the United States and Russia. To prevent the restoration of the Communist Party's power. The United States fully supported the implementation of radical reforms by the Russian "democrats". The Russian "democrats" were filled with illusions about the West, led by the United States. For the sake of joining the "big family of the world of Western civilization" as soon as possible and creating a "great European - Atlantic community stretching from Vancouver to Vladivostok", they pursued a foreign policy of unilateral orientation towards the West, seeking Western assistance to Russia like the "Marshall Plan". Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation A. Kozyrev, referring to the priorities of Russia's foreign policy, stated: "It is absolutely clear that Russia must join the ranks of rapidly developing democratic states in order to take its proper place among them, determined by our history and geography. Our neighbors are the United States (across the Bering Strait), Japan, and Western European countries. There are absolutely no insurmountable differences and conflicts of interest between us and these countries, but there are various opportunities for establishing friendly relations and establishing allied relations in the future. ... In many respects, the second priority coincides with the first and consists in establishing good neighborly relations with the countries around us - the United States, Japan, Western Europe, Eastern Europe and, of course, with the CIS. ... Such a neighboring state, perhaps, is also South Korea." As you can see, there was absolutely no place for China among the priorities of Russian foreign policy.

However, following Russia in the wake of the United States in international affairs and carrying out radical reforms in the country according to the scenario of international financial organizations and American experts led to serious consequences. The United States 'disdain for Russia's interests, as well as its widespread "imperial behavior" as a self-styled "sole superpower", have caused dissatisfaction with the Russian authorities. The Russian leadership has begun to realize that a policy of unilateral orientation towards the West is unacceptable and that only maintaining a balance between East and West is in Russia's national interests. On October 27, 1992, President Yeltsin declared that there were "many mistakes and miscalculations" in Russian foreign policy, in particular, " along with the development of relations with the West, there is no relentless work with the countries of the East." President Yeltsin's visit to China in December 1992 took place against this backdrop. The establishment and development of good-neighborly and friendly relations between Russia and China exactly met its needs. The strengthening of good-neighborly and friendly relations between such great Powers as China and Russia undoubtedly contributed to the elimination of the isolation of the PRC, which arose as a result of the anti-Chinese policy of the United States.

During President Yeltsin's first visit to China, the leaders of the two countries did not address international issues at the talks or in their joint Statement. However, in January 1994, President Yeltsin sent a message to President Jiang Zemin suggesting that bilateral relations should be raised to the level of "constructive partnership." President Yeltsin's proposal met with a positive response from the Chinese side. In September, President Jiang Zemin paid a visit to Russia, and the second Sino-Russian summit was held. Unlike the first meeting, this time the leaders of the two countries made it clear both at the talks and in the Joint Statement they signed that the two countries would "strengthen cooperation in international affairs, including cooperation in solving global problems." It was stressed that they will " oppose hegemonism and power politics, and the creation of opposing political, military and economic blocs." Clearly, " hegemony and power politics "meant the United States and its policies, and" military blocs " meant the planned expansion of NATO and the strengthening of the US - Japan alliance.

LOST ILLUSIONS

The development of Sino-Russian relations to such a level that the two countries began to conduct negotiations

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Consultations and cooperation on international issues were associated with changes in the international situation and, in particular, with developments in Russian-American and Sino-American relations. In 1993-1994, the contradictions between Russia and the United States became increasingly acute, mainly due to the expansion of NATO to the East ^*** . In the first half of 1993, at the initiative of the United States, NATO officially announced the involvement of Eastern European countries in this organization. Moscow understood that this was an attempt to "push Russia out of Europe" and create a threat to its security. At the end of 1994, NATO, despite Russia's opposition, developed a schedule for the admission of Eastern European states to this organization.

In the regions of the former Soviet Union, the United States sought to hinder integration processes in the CIS, openly opposed Russia's use of "special rights" in the CIS, and warned it against creating its own "zone of influence"outside its own borders. At the same time, they have increased their support for the CIS countries, especially those that had quite noticeable contradictions with Russia. During this period, tensions also arose between Russia and the United States over the Persian Gulf and other international issues. The United States continued to pursue discriminatory policies in trade and technology exports, which displeased Russia. That is why, although anti-Chinese sentiment was observed in Russia at this time, especially in its Far Eastern region, in connection with "migrants" and the border issue, President Yeltsin nevertheless decided to raise relations with China to a new level and sought cooperation with it in international matters. At that time, Russian scientists assessed the development of Sino-Russian relations as follows: "There is no doubt about the importance of China and the importance of developing good-neighborly relations with it for the future of Russia. Russia is forced to maintain relations with such a China in the face of the loss of illusions about the West and the very possible aggravation of competition with the United States."

Beijing immediately responded to Moscow's proposal, because Sino-American relations remained at a low level. In 1993-1994, China and the United States resumed dialogue in various fields and continuously developed trade and economic ties. Nevertheless, the controversy over "human rights" and the Taiwan issue remained unusually acute. From the Chinese point of view, the Clinton administration continued to pursue a policy of "Westernization" and "division"in relation to the PRC. If in 1989-1992 the United States counted on radical changes in China on the model of the USSR, then by 1994, as the social and political stabilization and rapid development of the Chinese economy, reckless propaganda statements about the "Chinese threat"began to sound among the American public.

In 1995-1996, Russia began to realize more and more clearly that receiving significant economic assistance from the United States and establishing a truly "strategic partnership" with them was very much illusory, and that the United States, while actively supporting market reforms in Russia and its "democratization", at the same time increasingly openly looked at it as a potential threat. the threat and tried to put pressure on it by expanding NATO. As for China, the United States, while declaring that it was pursuing a policy of "all - round contacts" against the PRC, simultaneously saw it as a potential threat, tried to contain it by strengthening the US-Japanese alliance, and secretly schemed on the Taiwan issue, hindering China's unification and hindering its strengthening. Objectively, Washington's actions led Russia and China to take similar strategic positions. The United States has become the sole superpower, and this has pushed Moscow and Beijing into each other's arms

During this period, factors unfavorable for China in Sino-American relations and in the security situation in the Asia-Pacific region made themselves felt. In May 1995, the Clinton administration authorized a private visit to the United States by Taiwanese President Lee Denghui. China reacted sharply to this move and in March 1996 conducted missile exercises in the Taiwan Strait. The United States sent its aircraft carriers to the area to demonstrate strength, putting pressure on the PRC. As a result, Sino - American relations were on the verge of a crisis. In addition, Washington at the same time intensified consultations with Japan in order to amend the security treaty concluded between them. An attempt was made to turn the US-Japan alliance into the core of the regional security system in the Asia-Pacific region, which could not but cause caution and opposition from the PRC. On March 22, 1995, at a meeting with the Russian Foreign Minister in China, President Jiang Zemin clearly stated:: "China and Russia are great powers, they have a serious responsibility, and they have common interests in the fight against hegemonism and the protection of world peace," President Yeltsin also said that " the two great powers Russia and China have a special responsibility for the fate of the world, both countries are opposed to power politics, are against that one country imposes its will on other countries." Against this background, in April 1996, China and Russia decided to raise their relations to the level of "strategic partnership and interaction", that is, to introduce them into a formal channel.

In 1997, relations between China, Russia, the United States, and Japan developed positively through a series of summits. As a result, there is hope that the great Powers will be able to follow the principles characteristic of the post-cold War period and develop their relations on the basis of equality and trust, taking into account the interests of each side. However, in the spring and summer of 1999, the United States-led NATO strikes on Yugoslavia, as well as the emergence of a"new strategy"

^{* * *} In 1993-1994, the issue of NATO expansion was under discussion and criteria were developed for future possible members of the alliance. The final decision to admit three Eastern European countries to the North Atlantic Alliance was announced by the US president on the eve of the 1996 presidential election, and the official decision to invite Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic to NATO was approved at the alliance summit in July 1997 (Editor's note).

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NATO has led to a serious setback in relations between the great Powers and, in particular, in relations between China and Russia with the United States. The bombing of the Chinese embassy sparked a wave of anti-Americanism that swept across China. In Russia, many wondered if it might happen that one day, using Chechnya or some other region of the CIS as a pretext, Russia would not be treated in the same way as Yugoslavia is being treated now. And in China, they said that the Taiwan issue could be used as an excuse to deal with China in a similar way. The war in Kosovo has cast a significant shadow on Sino-American and Russian-Chinese relations. As a result, there was a further rapprochement between China and Russia.

After the new administration came to power in the United States, the tendency to extremes in American foreign policy became even more pronounced. Bush announced his intention to create a national missile defense system, and soon officially announced plans to withdraw unilaterally from the 1972 anti-missile treaty. In bilateral relations with China and Russia, the United States has resorted to harsh methods. So, Bush said that he would defend Taiwan "with all his might", and representatives of the US government openly met with the" foreign minister " of Chechen bandits. All this, without a doubt, was a challenge for China and Russia. In July 2001, during President Jiang Zemin's visit to Russia, the two sides once again emphasized their position, emphasizing that " national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity are the core of international law and the fundamental principle governing international relations." It was stated that "China and Russia strongly support each other in implementing policies and actions aimed at protecting national unity and territorial integrity."

THE MAIN CONTRADICTIONS REMAIN

From the above, we can conclude that after the end of the Cold War and until 1994, there really was no strategic" China - Russia - US triangle " relationship. However, since 1994, as the Russian-American contradictions deepened and the relations of strategic partnership and interaction between China and Russia were established, strategic relations in the triangle began to surface. As the Russian scientist A. Ivanov noted, " although the USSR, this superpower, has disappeared in the international arena, the influence of relations in the China - USA - Russia triangle on the balance of power around the world still has not disappeared."

In the global and geopolitical sphere, there are some deep contradictions between Russia and the United States, which, apparently, can hardly be overcome in a short time. First, Russia believes in a multipolar world, while the United States seeks to create a "unipolar world" under its leadership, and secondly, on the issue of European security, Russia proposes to create a pan-European security system with the joint participation of European states, while the United States stands for European security to be in the hands of the European security system headed by them. Third, on the issue of strategic nuclear forces, Russia seeks to maintain the existing parity, while the Americans seek to break it and gain unilateral superiority. Fourth, in the former Soviet Union, Russia is striving for re-integration with other CIS countries, and the United States, trying to prevent the revival of the Soviet-Russian empire, is doing everything possible to hinder and destroy this process.

Since the end of the Cold war, Sino-American relations have steadily improved, and in 1997 the two sides even announced that they would make efforts to establish" constructive strategic partnership relations." However, the main contradictions between the two countries are deeply rooted and can hardly be quickly overcome.

First of all, these are contradictions concerning ideology and the social system. China follows the socialist path with Chinese characteristics and defends the leadership of the Communist Party, which is unacceptable for the United States, and in order to prevent the PRC from becoming "the future Soviet Union", they pursue a policy of deterrence and at the same time use questions of "human rights" and "democracy" as a pretext for interfering in China's internal affairs and encourage its "democratization". From China's point of view, pushing the Americans to "democratize" the PRC is aimed at forcing it to follow the old path that led the USSR to collapse or, at least, to provoke destabilization of the situation in the country.

Second, the Taiwan issue affects China's sovereignty and territorial integrity. We believe that the Taiwanese authorities have been rejecting negotiations with the mainland on peaceful unification for many years because the Americans are behind them. China wants Taiwan to return as soon as possible and thus realize the great cause of national unification. However, the United States is obstructing this process by all means, considering Taiwan as its "unsinkable aircraft carrier" in the Far East, as a tool to bind China hand and foot, and as an obstacle to its strengthening.

Third, on the issue of security in the Asia-Pacific region, China proposes to adopt a new concept of security and, through consultation, dialogue, and cooperation among the Asia-Pacific countries, resolve differences, avoid conflicts, and oppose cold War thinking. Meanwhile, the United States is strengthening the US-Japan alliance, and together with Japan, it is implementing and deploying theater missile defense systems, claiming that this is being done to counter North Korea. However, from the Chinese point of view, everything is sewn with white threads, and the sharp edge of these actions of the United States is directed against China. Of course, there are contradictions between the PRC and the United States on the issue of "multipolarity" and "monopolarity".

Returning to Sino-Russian relations, it can be stated that there are basically no serious political problems between the two countries after the border missile defense system was generally resolved-

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agreements on establishing military confidence and disarmament in border areas were signed, as well as due to the identity or proximity of the two countries ' positions on international issues. As for the well-known concerns that exist among the Russian public, distrust of China associated with talking about a certain "Chinese threat", these are problems that have emerged between the two countries in the process of development and moving forward. But they do not influence Russia's official policy towards China today. It can be argued that over time, these problems will gradually lose their relevance.

As far as Russia is concerned, the establishment of good and stable relations with China is undoubtedly of great strategic importance. According to the Russian leadership, no matter what changes have taken place in Russia's relations with the West, maintaining constructive partnership relations with China is in Russia's interests. The stronger Russia's position in the East, the more confident and powerful it will be able to act in the West. There is no doubt that establishing and maintaining long-term and stable relations of good neighborliness and friendship with Russia is also of great strategic importance for China. This can ensure peace and tranquility on the northern and western borders of the PRC, which are more than 7,300 kilometers long, and, therefore, will allow it to use more attention and resources for modernization and construction, as well as meet possible challenges from the East and South.

It should be noted that relations in the China - Russia - US triangle in the new period differ from the configuration of the period of the 70s. They were pretty simple back then. The current relationship in the triangle is very complex and intertwined. If we look at political and security issues, then China and Russia have common interests here and take similar or similar positions in the fight against American hegemony. However, if we consider economic, scientific, technical, and cultural relations, the degree of intensity of Sino-American ties significantly exceeds Sino-Russian relations in this area. Russian-American contacts in many areas also surpass Sino-Russian ones. Therefore, the Russian-Chinese relations of strategic partnership and cooperation differ from the Sino-Soviet union of the 1950s, which was aimed against the United States, and from the Sino-American strategic cooperation of the 70s, which was aimed against the USSR. The former unification of the United States and the People's Republic of China against the Soviet Union, the relations of China and the United States with the USSR were antagonistic. Now Sino-American and Russian - American relations, although they contain serious contradictions, are not antagonistic and are relations where there is both struggle and cooperation.

Can the relations of strategic partnership and cooperation between China and Russia develop into an alliance aimed against the United States and other states? Domestic reform and development are the primary challenges facing China and Russia. Their implementation requires a favorable international environment and, in particular, the establishment of relations of peace and cooperation with developed world Powers, including the United States. Russian President Vladimir Putin clearly stated: "Our priority is to develop a foreign policy based on the national interests of our country. In fact, it should be recognized that internal goals are higher than external goals. ... We need to understand that our position in the world, our level of well-being, and all our rights depend on whether we can successfully solve our internal problems." For China and Russia, it is obvious that although both countries have huge potential in the field of trade and economic cooperation, both countries cannot become ideal partners for each other in terms of borrowing capital and technology and implementing modernization. That is why China and Russia, while opposing American hegemony, are at the same time making efforts to improve relations with the United States. Moscow seeks to establish "equal partnership relations", and China - "relations of stable cooperation".

Washington is pursuing an ambivalent policy towards China and Russia. On the one hand, through "contacts" and support, it pushes the development of China and Russia in the direction desired by the United States, and on the other hand, it is preparing to meet the threat that China and Russia may pose to the United States in 15-20 years. In other words, the United States currently does not consider China and Russia its enemies, and therefore, objectively, these countries do not need to create an anti-American alliance, especially since the development of Sino-Russian relations is associated with the pressure of many other factors.

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