The article presents the results of studying the family fund of Chelkans, Kumandins and Tubalars of the Northern Altai for the period from the end of the XIX century to the beginning of the XXI century. The study was conducted using an isonymic approach to assessing the dynamics of the genetic and demographic structure of the indigenous peoples of the region. The low level of kinship by isonymy between generations of different Northern Altai populations is shown. The modern family composition, being an indicator of a complex ethnic situation, reflects the influence of various socio-economic and demographic factors and processes (first of all, migration and assimilation) that took place and are still taking place in the territories of settlement of the indigenous peoples of the Northern Altai.

Keywords: Kumandins, Tubalars, Chelkans, indigenous small-numbered peoples, anthroponymy, isonymy, migrations, fund of surnames.

Introduction

In the XX century, the territory of Siberia was developed in the course of large-scale migration processes - the migration movement at the beginning of the century, industrialization, mass resettlement during the Great Patriotic War, industrial development of the region in the 1950s-1970s. At the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, the state policy changed from the "shift of productive forces to the east "to the" self-development of regions".

As the region underwent socio-economic transformations, the demographic situation changed. The indigenous population of the Northern Altai, being involved in the political and socio-economic processes of the country, acquired specific features of ethnic and demographic development, which were reflected in the features of its self-identification and degree of preservation. According to the results of the 2010 census, the indigenous population of the Northern Altai included 2,892 Kumandins, 1,965 Tubalars, and 1,181 Chelkans. [Results of the All-Russian census...].

For the first time, the problem of demography of the peoples of Siberia, including the Altai, was raised in the research of regional specialists. One of the leaders of the regionalism movement, N. M. Ddrintsev, based on statistical data and contemporary testimonies, noted the negative consequences of cultural contacts between newcomers and Aboriginal people [1891]. Having sharply identified the problem of "alien extinction", he laid the foundation for socio-political discourse and became the forerunner of the study of socio-demographic processes among the autochthonous peoples of Siberia.

The work was carried out within the framework of the RFBR project No. 13 - 06 - 00821a and the state task of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation No. 2014/64.

At the end of the 19th century, the first demographic survey of the population of non-native volosts of Biysk and Kuznetsk counties was organized. The homestead census in the framework of the Altai statistical and Economic expedition of 1897 was conducted in order to prepare the land management of the region for the accommodation of immigrants from the European part of Russia [Gorny Altai..., 1900-1903].

Russian science returned to the study of ethno - and socio-demographic processes among the indigenous population of the Northern Altai in the second half of the XX century. By the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, research had reached a qualitatively new level. During this period, a number of projects were implemented, the starting point of which can be considered the discussion on the construction of the Katun hydroelectric power station (Nechiporenko and Oktyabrskaya, 2003; Oktyabrskaya et al., 2000).

The development of an interdisciplinary approach to the study of modern processes among the autochthons of Altai led to the emergence of the project " Small indigenous peoples of the Northern Altai: reality and prospects. Interdisciplinary monitoring of disappearing Turkic ethnic groups: diagnosis and prognosis. 2001-2003", which was implemented by ethnographers of the Institute of Archeology and Ethnography (IAET) of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, employees of the Laboratory of Genetics of Kemerovo State University (KemSU) and the Department of Sociology of the Institute of Economics and Industrial Production Organization (IEOPP) of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences [Oktyabrskaya, Ulyanova, Lavryashina, 2005; Soboleva et al., 2004; Ulyanova, Lavryashina, Oktyabrskaya et al., 2002; Ulyanova, Lavryashina, Zaitseva et al., 2004]. One of the results of the project was the conclusion about the high level of mestizoization of the autochthonous population. Similar conclusions were reached by A. N. Kucher, V. N. Tadinov, and V. P. Puzyrev (2005), who studied the sex-age composition, family and ancestral structure of the Chelkans of Kurmach-Baigol village. The work of geneticists also confirmed the ethnographers ' judgments about complex socio-demographic processes among the indigenous population [Kharkiv et al., 2007].

In the course of implementing comprehensive programs on the ethnodemographic problems of indigenous peoples of the foothills of the Northern Altai [Nikolaev, 2009, 2012, 2013; Lavryashina et al., 2013; et al.], new directions, methods and approaches were identified.

Characteristics of the dynamics of the family fund of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai of the XIX-XX centuries

The fund of surnames of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai was recognized as an original but little-used source in the field of ethnodemography. It should be noted that surnames have previously been studied in the framework of historical and ethnographic studies (Borgoyakov, 1972; Butanaev, 1994; Kimeev and Funk, 1989; Krivonogov, 1998; Tadina and Yabyshpaev, 2003; Funk, 2005; Chispiyakov, 1978) and population-genetic studies (Revazov, Paradeeva and Rusakova, 1986; Yelchinova, Kriventsova, 2004; Lavryashina et al., 2011; Cavalli-Sforza and Bodmer, 1971; King et al., 2006; Bouden, Bolaresque and King, 2007; Longley et al., 2011] studies, and were also involved in the analysis of the dynamics of the genetic structure and demographic processes [Balanovskaya and Balanovsky, 2007; Kucher et al., 2007; Lavryashina et al., 2010].

The possibilities of using this source were considered limited due to the short history of using surnames among the indigenous inhabitants of Siberia. Some researchers believe that surnames of Turkic-speaking peoples are considered a priori unsuitable for their use as a genetic marker due, as a rule, to their recent occurrence and, accordingly, short existence [Yelchinova and Zinchenko, 2010]. However, recently more and more works have been published based on the analysis of surnames in the study of Siberian peoples, including Turkic-speaking ones (Chelukhoeva, 1994; Luzina, Kolbasko, Lotosh, 2006; Kucher et al., 2007; Lavryashina et al., 2009; Ulyanova, 2010; Yelchinova, Zinchenko, 2010).

To assess the phenomenon of surnames among the Turkic-speaking peoples of Altai, it is necessary to focus on their origin. Authentic and Russian anthroponyms have long co-existed in the culture of the indigenous inhabitants of the region. The transition to the Russian anthroponymic model was directly related to peasant colonization and the creation of a network of settlements of the Altai Ecclesiastical Mission.

The adoption of Orthodoxy by the aboriginal population was accompanied by naming in accordance with the Orthodox canon and fixing patronymics and surnames in metrics, the consolidation of which was determined by several factors. First of all, you should pay attention to the original prestige of the "Russian" name. Even in the 19th century, and perhaps even earlier, among unbaptized autochthons, adapted versions of Christian names and names introduced by the alien population are distributed: Andryushka, Antip, Arinka, Vanka, Vaska, Klavdya, Petrushka, Petka, etc.

At the initial stage of Christianization, the adoption of baptism was often accompanied by the separation of the autochthon from their native environment, both spiritually (breaking off relations with relatives, etc.) and physically (moving to a missionary settlement). This led to the coexistence of two naming systems - traditional and Orthodox canonical. Scope of an authentic estate-

ka gradually narrowed down to the framework of everyday communication. The formation and functioning of two-names on the all-Siberian material was demonstrated by A. A. Lyutsidarskaya [1996].

It is known that the traditional anthroponymic model of the indigenous population of Altai included an individual name, the name of the father and the name of the genus. In connection with the active migration processes in the XVIII-XIX centuries, the autochthonous population developed patronymics and surnames formed according to the Russian type (Tadina and Yabyshpaev, 2003; Funk, 2005). Entries in metric books of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. they indicate the formation of a new anthroponymic model, in which the traditional three-term structure was preserved; at the same time, the genus name was replaced by a surname constructed according to the Russian model. In addition, the metrics recorded the binomial naming of a person (first name and patronymic) for parents of newly baptized children. Only in some cases did the missionaries record the name of the proselyte's father. For example, in the metric book of the Intercession Church of S. Suzopsky for 1897, it appears that Zachary (originally Saklak) - the son of deceased unbaptized foreigners of the Shalandayk ulus Alexey Kuzilekov Sabytkov and Mandyp Suzurukova-was baptized at the age of 95 (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 5. D. 354. L. 57).

According to an entry in the metric book of the Church of the Kazan Mother of God in the village of Paspaul for 1898, Evdokia (originally Sanachak) - the daughter of the deceased Tatar shamanist Yermolai Soenosh Menush and Machas Adarina-was baptized at the age of 7 (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 183. L. 14).

It is believed that the southern Altaians gave surnames either by the name of an ancestor or by the name of seok genera; they spread relatively recently - at the beginning of the XX century. [Shatinova, 1970]. The northern Altaians had similar principles for the formation of surnames; however, the use of anthroponyms in the modern version became stable no later than the beginning of the XIX century (Funk, 2000). It should be noted that the introduction of the Russian anthroponymic model in the border area of contacts between autochthons ("Bystryants", "Tagaptsy", "Togultsy", etc.) and immigrants began earlier - at the end of the XVIII century.

Let us turn to the problem of the genesis of autochthonous surnames. An analysis of the materials of metric books suggests that in most cases, the patronymic of the proselyte was used to form the surnames of new Christians. However, during the transformation of the anthroponymic model, the stage of functioning of nickname patronymics, noted by V. K. Chichagov among Russians, was omitted [1959]. In fact, during the baptism, the patronymic of the father was fixed as the surname of the newly baptized.

In the metrical book of the Intercession Church of S. Suzopsky for 1916, it appears that Alexander (originally Sandra) - the son of the non-native Aila Eleysky Zakhar Tarasov and Kysk Ivanova-was baptized at the age of 26; at the same time, his daughter was baptized. In the record of the girl's baptism, her father is already named as Sandra Tarasov (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 3060. L. 28).

Another example from the metrical book of the Makaryevsky Church of S. Makaryevsky for 1915: Anna (originally Tanybas) - the daughter of the non-native shamanists of S. Sarybashev Andrey Apyshaev and Toish Paeva-was baptized at the age of 20. The following entry marks the baptism of her daughter, with the mother's patronymic and surname indicated: Anna (Tanybas) Andreeva Apysheva (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 2852. L. 32).

In the process of creating Autochthonous surnames, their first names may also have been used. This is indicated, for example, by the surname Korta recorded in one of the metric books of the Kebezensky branch of the Altai Ecclesiastical Mission, which in one of the following entries appeared in a different version-Kortin (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 1381). It is worth noting that the traditional name (Korty or Kortu) of Novokreschen is found several times on the pages of metric books. According to our field materials, most informants base their surnames on the names and nicknames of their ancestors: Ak-pash (literally: "White Head") - Akpashev, Altay-chin - Altaychinov, Satlay - Satlaev, Serke - Serkin, Chekoon - Chekonov, etc. Only some informants offered other explanations. So, one of them connected the origin of the surname Belekovs with the word "b(p) lek", which he translated as "forearm", and assumed that his ancestors were hardworking and hardworking-rich. At the same time, the correct spelling of this surname is the Pilekovs (PMA, 2008, Krasnogorskoye village, Turachak). However, this is only the version of the respondent whose genealogical knowledge is limited to two or four generations.

In the village of Turachak, information was collected about the seok ys (PMA, 2008, Turachak village). According to the informant, the founder of seok was Chokoon, whose children's and grandchildren's names gave rise to several Tubalar surnames. It should be noted that L. P. Potapov, who recorded two legends about the origin of Seok yus, also connected its origins with Zaisan Chokon: "Seok Yus, which formed the Yuzhskaya volost, according to legend, descended from Seok Kondosh. Legend has it that a girl from Seoka Kondosh gave birth to a child whose father she couldn't name. The boy was named Seoka by his mother. From this boy later went offspring. When the progeny reached a hundred people, they were separated into a special seok with the consent of the seok Kondosh, which received the numerical name Yus, i.e. hundred. Seok Yoos, as soon as he got separated, had a chance to show up-

lis their zaisany. The first of them was called Chokon. From that time until the abolition of Zaisans in 1912, 10 Zaisans ruled in Yuzhskaya Volost. Consequently, Zaisan Chokon lived, if we assume that each zaisan (their power was hereditary) lived for an average of 30 years, approximately in the middle of the XVII century. Another tradition explains the appearance of Yus among the Kondoshas in a different way. There was a war between the Soyons, who lived on the left bank of the Katun River, and the Yus. As a result, all the Yusis were exterminated, with the exception of a pregnant woman, who was then sheltered by the komdoshi. The boy born to her was Jus on his father's side, and his offspring later separated from the komdoshi. According to the records of S. P. Shvetsov, the Tubalars of Yuzhskaya Volost consider themselves the remnants of a special people, the indigenous inhabitants of these places, now occupied by Tubalars" [1969, p.51].

Tracing the origin of surnames among the peoples of Siberia, A. A. Lyutsidarskaya notes that, as a rule, "the surname was determined by a patronymic or nickname, based on ancestral affiliation. It is not entirely clear how the baptised Aborigines received the surname in cases where it came from the Russian canonical name (Luka Vasiliev). It is appropriate to assume that in such a situation the surname was given by the name of the godfather" [1996, p. 94]. This scheme had a universal character in Siberia - among the indigenous population of the Northern Altai, there were carriers of the surnames Mikhailov, Nikolaev, Pavlov, etc.

Taking into account the specifics of the Christianization of the Northern Altai and the prevalence of the practice of repeating the rite of baptism, it is necessary to recognize the wide possibilities for the variability of the fund of names and surnames of the indigenous population. We should also not forget about the variability of the spelling of surnames and the instability of their forms in the document flow up to the 1920s and 1930s. The relatively "young" North Altai anthroponymic model was actively developed until the mid-20th century. For example, the fact of separating the Bachetkov family name from the Sanzhanakov clan was recorded. Researchers attribute this event to the 1930s (Belgibaev, 2004). The dynamism of the transformations that took place can be judged by the example of the Chateaubal ulus of the Kondomo-Eleysky volost. In the family lists of the ulus at the beginning of the XX century, eight surnames appeared: Shitobalovs - 11 families, Chudinovs-2, Totushevs-1, Surubashevs-1, Soltygashevs-1, Kamzarakov-1, Akbashevs-1, Vasilievs-1 family (GATO. F. 3. Op. 44. D. 2637. L. 2 - 3). In the 1917 census. some of these surnames are missing, but the total number of surnames reaches 10: Shatobalovs - 17 families, Chudekovs-6 (possibly corresponding to the Chudinov family), Tatushevs-1, Saltygashevs-1, Alekovs-1, Kuegashevs-1, Manakhovs-1, Sargashevs-1, Tukmashevs - 1, Tukpayevs - 1 family (GAAK. f. 233. Op. 1b. D. 778). These materials allow us to state that for two decades the Chateaubal ulus remained mono-ethnic, it was dominated by one surname, which was associated with the history of the appearance of this settlement.

The transformation of the family structure is also characteristic of the Bystryansky parish, whose population included Kumandins and Teleuts. The Bystryans were fully Christianized at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. they were no longer much different from the migrants around them due to the active assimilation and acculturation processes. According to the metric books, in 1888, 33 surnames lived in this territory: Arykov, Bashmakov, Babushkin, Bedarev, Bragin, Busov, Bychkov, Vdovin, Golov, Golykh, Evtifeev, Zyablitsky, Kaigorodov, Karpov, Kozlov, Kuzovnikov, Kuskov, Malyshev, Maneev, Olkin, Paraev, Polosukhin, Semenov, Sergeev, Skudarnov, Sokolov, Sofronov, Surtaev, Tabakaev, Tuzikov, Fominsky, Chernov, Chuchumashev (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 5. D. 365).

By 1915, the number of surnames was reduced to 24 anthroponymic units: Bedarev, Bragin, Bychkov, Vdovin, Golykh, Evtifeev, Zyablitsky, Inychekov, Karpov, Kozlov, Kuzovnikov, Maneev, Paraev, Semenov, Sergeev, Skudarnov, Sokolov, Sofronov, Surtaev, Tabakaev, Tuzikov, Ugachev, Fominsky, Chernov (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 2785).

On the territory of the Kebezen branch lived mainly Tubalars and Kumandins, baptized and "shamanists", as well as Chelkans who had not yet accepted Orthodoxy. According to the metric books, in 1892 20 anthroponyms were recorded here: Abakov, Adlykov, Biigechekov, Zanzarov, Zyablitsky, Kadydakov, Kazagachev, Kairagachev, Konoplin, Kuchikov, Pyzhankin, Surtaev, Tadykov, Tarbaganov, Tongorov, Tubatov, Tultin, Tyubekteev, Cheekov, Edokov (GAAK. F. 144. Op 6. D. 90). By 1910, as a result of increased proselytizing activity in the region, the number of surnames increased dramatically to 46: Abyshev, Archudaev, Bochenov, Evtifeev, Yegorkin, Yeldoshev, Zyablitsky, Kadasov, Kazagachev, Kazakov, Kalanov, Kozlov, Kortin, Korta, Kochiyekov, Kumanov, Kurumchin, Kuchukov, Kydatov, Kyrlachev, Kyrgyzov, Ottokov, Pavlov, Pakysov, Ristarkhov, Sarykpanov, Sebikov, Sokolov, Sofronov, Surtaev, Tabakaev, Tatatakov, Titanchikov, Toduyev, Tuybeshev, Chedurev, Chiizhekov, Chuchumashev, Shebalin, Shtanakov, Ekibashev, Eldekov, Yudakov, Yabynakov, Yamanchiraev, Yandykov (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. d. 1381).

The Makaryevsky branch was dominated by Kumandins, most of whom were baptized; assimilated groups of "Bystryans", "Tagapans", and "Toguls" also lived here, which was reflected in the anthroponymy of the region-102 surnames: Abyshkin, Aktelov, Alan(p)ov, Alekov, Anyshtaev, Ashchaulov, Bashmakov, Barysov, Batin, Bedarev, Bed-

reev, Bekishev, Borisov, Busov, Bychkov, Veselkov, Evtifeev, Eremeev, Zyablitsky, Zfyanov, Ignashkin, Inerekov, Itegeshev, Kabydaev, Kaibichev, Kaimakov, Kakyshev, Kalmanov, Kamzyrakov, Kamzychakov, Kanchigashev, Kaptyyakov, Karastanov, Karpov, Kelishev, Kiryanov, Kishkenev, Koktyekov, Kulechekov, Kundyuzakov, Kutyushev, Kuchukov, Kuyukov, Kyzlakov, Lashutin, Mayrygachev, Maksarov, Malyshev, Manzhin, Menshchikov, Mikolushev, Mikhailov, Monogoshev, Nabytov, Osipov, Pavlov, Parfenov, Pastaev, Pilin, Platakov, Pokunaev, Polosukhin, Pochpokov, Romashev, Saposhev, Saklakov, Salagin, Sarachakov, Sarybalykov, Semenov, Silin, Skudarnov, Sokolov, Sofronkin, Stepankin, Suzopov, Surubashev, Suurakov, Teltekov, Temdekov, Tokshunakov, Torbokov, Tostokov, Tudushev, Tuzikov, Tydykov, Tyryshev, Tyuryushev, Ukunakov, Undlekov, Chagyrov, Cha(i)shtanov, Chinchikeev, Chichkanakov, Shadrin, Shakhov, Shukshin, Emeks, Erlenekov, Yudin, Yandypashev, Yanyspaev (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 5. D. 350, 375).

By 1916, due to the separation of new church-administrative units of the Altai ecclesiastical mission from the Makaryevsky branch, the variety of surnames was reduced to 36: Arbogosov, Bashmakov, Bychkov, Evtifeev, Yegorov, Zyryanov, Zyablitsky, Karalkin, Karachakov, Kashkarov, Kiryanov, Kobyldaev, Kulichekov, Kuchukov, Kyzlakov, Lashutin, Mayrygachev, Maksimachev, Malyshev, Nabytov, Parfenov, Pokoev, Polosukhin, Priezzhev, Sarybalykov, Sarychakov, Sidorov, Skudarnov, Sokolov, Sofronkin, Teltekov, Torbokov, Tuzikov, Chepuchina, Shakhov, Shukshin (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 2852).

The territory of the Paspaul branch was inhabited mainly by Tubalars, most of whom were baptized by the end of the XIX century. From 1899 (59 surnames) to 1910 (57 surnames) the structure of anthroponymy here has not changed significantly, but the fund of surnames has undergone a significant transformation. Metric books for 1899 in the Paspaul department recorded the following anthroponyms: Adyuk-Maskachakov, Altachin, Anasov, Bedeev, Bedushev, Evfimov, Kazanakov, Kazantsev, Karmyshev-Adukov, Kartokov, Kachkynakov, Kedeev, Kindenov, Kolonakov, Kolonchin-Shtanakov, Kuyragachev, Kuyrukov, Kumandin, Kuchuganov, Kydyalanov, Maspachakov, Oskin, Paraev, Poklonov-Tektiekov, Renshikin-Tydykov, Sanalov-Tabraev, Sanzarov, Sarbashev, Sarybashev, Skudarnov, Sofronov, Tabakaev, Tazrashev-Tabachakov, Tedeev, Telezekov, Tozyyakov, Toldyev, Tolokov, Torzomoev, Trushkokov, Tryshkanov, Tubin, Turashev, Tydykov, Tyumeshev, Tyushkeneks, Uyghuchaks-Chichkanakov, Khabarov, Chevalkov-Tabyshev, Checheyev-Trushkokov, Chistobaev, Chichakov, Choltukov, Shimkov, Shtanakov, Shtanakov-Adarin, Edokov, Entiekov, Yulchiakov (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 183).

Adukov, Alagyzov, Almadakov, Alushkin, Apanaev, Apasov, Archidaev, Atlykov, Balykchin, Borisov, Denichekov, Kaigorodov, Kazakov, Kalanakov, Kapchinaev, Karpov, Kedegeshev, Kerekiokov, Kestegeshev, Kindenov, Kokoyakov, Koktyekov, Kokshiekov, Konoplin, Kortin, Kuirukov, Moynakov, Oskin, Ochakov, Paraev, Pronkin, Sablashev, Sartakov, Sarybashev, Sarychakov, Semteshev, Serkin, Surtaev, Tabachakov, Tadyzhekov, Tadyshkin, Takanakov, Tanzykov, Tartykov, Telekov, Telgerov, Tobokov, Tostokov, Trushkokov, Tydykov, Chanchibaev, Chekonov, Chencheev, Chindenov, Chuchushev, Yichkyrakov, Yulchiyekov (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. d. 1688).

On the territory of the Starobardinsky parish lived "foreigners" who were close in ethno-cultural terms to the parishioners of the Bystryansky parish, as well as newly Baptized Kumandins. In the metric book of 1883, 20 surnames were recorded: Ananyin, Anikin, Ashelev, Busov, Yeremeyev, Zladov, Zyablitsky, Kaigorodov, Kadrin, Kasarev, Lashutin, Maltsev, Nekhoroshoe, Romanov, Rufeev, Skudarnov, Sokolov, Sofronov, Surtaev, Taskarin (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 2. D. 97); in 1916 - 25: Abyshev, Andreev, Busov, Bychkov, Golykh, Yeremeyev, Zyablitsky, Kaigorodov, Karalkin, Karpov, Kozlov, Kuzovnikov, Maneev, Milovanov, Moiseev, Nekhoroshev, Petrushov, Skudarnov, Sokolov, Sofronov, Surtaev, Tuzikov, Ukunaev, Khmelev, Yarkov (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 3058).

The parishioners of the Salton parish represented an assimilated population of "Tagaptsy" and "Togultsy", as well as newly baptized Kumandins. According to metrics, the anthroponymic structure of the" Soltonites " in 1887 included 34 surnames: Avgashev, Akchelov, Argokov, Aryukov, Bashlykov, Bashmakov, Belov, Bychkov, Gilev, Guryev, Ekimashev, Emekov, Yeremeyev, Zfyanov, Indichekov, Kaibychev, Kalachev, Kamzarakov, Karchirin, Kashirin, Kokyshev, Onufriev, Pilin, Popov, Salogoshev, Saltygashev, Sarubashev, Solmachakov, Taskachakov, Tiperekov, Torbokov, Tsynchapov, Chigashev, Scherlykaev (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 5. D. 354); in 1915 - 29: Akteshev, Anufriev, Argokov, Bashlykov, Belov, Bychkov, Vagin, Gilev, Indichekov Kaibichev, Kakyshev, Kalachev, Kamzarakov, Kashirin, Kopeikin, Kurtukov, Kyzlakov, Popov, Satubalov, Sgibnev, Sozopov, Sokolov, Surubashev, Tabakaev, Teperekov, Timashev, Torbokov, Shatamaev, Shukshin (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 2860).

In 1893, the Suzop branch was separated from the Makaryevsky branch. In 1895, 42 surnames were recorded in the metrics: Adyakov, Aktelov, Akuchaev, Akchaurov, Apokov, Arbogosov, Bashlykov, Belkov, Ignashkin, Kaibichev, Kakyshev, Kamzarakov, Kanzachakov, Kapyshev, Karalkin, Karachakov, Kuchukov, Kuyukov, Kyzlakov, Manzhin, Nabytov, Pavlov, Peshperov, Pladokov, Pronkin, Salagin, Sarubashev, Sarybaly-

kov, Suzopov, Taskachakov, Tekov, Tokshunakov, Tuyuzekov, Tyzychakov, Ukunakov, Chabykov, Charyshev, Chashtanov, Chinchikeev, Chichkanakov, Chudekov, Shakhov (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 2860); in 1916 - 48: Adyakov, Akpashev, Aktelov, Akcheurov, Alapov, Alekov Argokov , Arzhanov, Belov, Emekov, Kamzarakov, Karagashev, Karasev, Kokyshev, Kochemishev, Kuchukov, Kuyukov, Kyzlakov, Kyzyngashev, Kystarakov, Labyshev, Manzhin, Manyzhakov, Monakov, Onufriev, Petrushkin, Plotokov, Ryspaev, Silin, Sonchepov, Suzopov, Surubashev, Syzygashev, Syuzryukov, Tarasov, Taskachakov, Tokumachev, Tostokov, Tundubachev, Charlokaev, Chinchekov, Chinchikeev, Chichkanakov, Chudekov, Shaltygashev, Shakhov, Sheltygashev, Shulbakov (GAAK. F. 144. Op. 6. D. 2860).

At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. migration of the population within the region increased, which led to the spread of identical surnames on the territory of different volosts. According to V. D. Slavnin and L. I. Sherstova, this situation " reflects the process of "dispersal" of the former ethnonymic volosts, the mass inclusion of their components (genera, families) in the composition of the emerging new ethnic groups of the Northern Altai and adjacent territories " [2008, p. 85]. The analysis of the Institute of surnames of Altai autochthons allows us to agree with the opinion of V. K. Chichagov that surnames are "a part of the name that passes from generation to generation, i.e. it is a permanent part in the names of representatives of one kind or another, while other compositions of names (first names and patronymics) change from generation to generation"[1959, p. 109]. Thus, we can draw a conclusion about the variety of ways of forming surnames of the autochthonous population of the foothills of the Northern Altai-from the names of genera, proper names, godparents ' names or nicknames, etc. The transformation of surnames continued in the XX century.

Analysis of the current composition of surnames of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai

The current composition of surnames of the indigenous Turkic-speaking population of the Northern Altai is analyzed using an isonymic approach to assessing the dynamics of the population's genetic and demographic structure. The study was based on materials grouped by four periods: the 1900s, 1940s, 1970s, and 2000s. The sources of information were household cards of the All-Russian Agricultural Census of 1917 (GAAK. F. 233. Op. 1, 1a, 1b) and household books of rural settlements for the 1940s, 1970s, and 2000s. The materials of the 1917 census accumulated in the State Archive of the Altai Territory do not contain data on the indigenous population the Lebed River basin, where the overwhelming majority of Chelkans lived at the beginning of the XX century.

This gap was filled thanks to the use of family lists of the population of the Kondomo-Shelkalskaya vol. for 1900 (GATO. f. 3. Op. 44. d. 2599-2621, 2637). In territorial terms, the study covered the traditional places of residence of Kumandins, Tubalars and Chelkans - the territories of modern administrative structures of Krasnogorsky (Krasnogorskaya, Kaltashinskaya, Novozykovskaya, Ust-Kazhinskaya villages) and Soltonsky (Nizhne-Neninskaya, Soltonskaya, Suzopskaya, Kumandinskaya villages) districts of the Altai Territory, as well as Turochaksky (Turochakskaya Toldoshinskaya, Kebezemskaya, Artybashskaya, Kurmach-Baigolskaya s/a) and Choysky (Ynyrginskaya, Uymenskaya, Karakokshinskaya s/a) districts of the Altai Republic. During the 100-year period, the indigenous population moved from small villages and uluses to regional centers and large settlements. However, it remained stable within its range, although there was a variation in the fund of surnames of localities.

The surnames of 24,416 representatives of the indigenous peoples of the Northern Altai were recorded and studied in the course of joint expeditions of the Institute of Electric Power Engineering of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences and KemSU (Table 1). In the Soltoisk District, 121, 17, 85, and 103 surnames were recorded for four time sections, respectively (1900s, 1940s, 1970s, and 2000- 2000s), in Krasnogorsk-148, 59, 69 and 61 surnames, in Turochak-317, 206, 249 and 411 surnames, in Choi-88, 217, 174 and 416 surnames.

The primary materials were organized in the form of computer databases based on the space of the STATISTICA program. Statistical processing was performed using standard biometric methods (Lakin, 1990; Borovikov, 2003) and special methods of genetic demography. Data on the distribution of surnames were analyzed by the isonymy method of J. F. Crow and A. Mange (Crow and Mange, 1965) using the approaches described in the work of G. I. Yelchinova and N. V. Kriventsova (2004). The following parameters were calculated: random isonymy (I_r), migration index (v), and surname diversity index (a). Random (intra-population) isonymy was calculated using the formula:

where qi is the frequency of the-th surname in the population. The migration index is calculated as

where N is the number of individuals in the population, ir is aand qi is the frequency of the ith surname in the population. This indicator can take values ranging from 0 (if there is only one surname in the population) to 1 (if the number of surnames is equal to the number of individuals in the population).

Table 1. Studied samples of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai

The index of surname diversity in the population was determined by the formula [Zei et al., 1983; Barrai et al., 1992]:

α = Nv (1 - v).

The coefficient of kinship by isonymy _Ri was calculated from the number of common surnames (Lasker, 1977):

where _si1 and _si2are the frequency of the i-th surname in the population, and and are the sample volumes.

At the first stage of the study, the dynamics of surnames of the ethnically forming block was analyzed among the indigenous population of the Northern Altai, i.e., those surnames that are most often registered in the fund of surnames of the population of certain territories (Table 2). It is obvious that during the entire period studied, the composition of surnames of the ethnically forming block in four districts of the Northern Altai Our study revealed only two surnames - Kyzlakov and Chinchikeyev, which were found with a high frequency during the 100-year period, i.e., as frequent in all four time intervals were registered among the indigenous population of the Soltonsky and Krasnogorsky districts of the Altai Territory, respectively.

In general, a more stable composition of surnames of the ethnically forming block was observed in the indigenous population of the Krasnogorsk district of the Altai Territory (Chinchikeev, Shakhov, Satlaev) and the Turochak district of the Altai Republic (Pustogachev, Kandarakov, Sumochakov, Akpyzhaev). These surnames were identified with high frequency in three of the four time intervals (with the exception of the Chinchikeyev surname, which was registered in all generations of the Krasnogorsk district population).

As for the territorial features of the dynamics of the fund of frequent surnames, it has undergone the greatest change among the indigenous population of the Choi district of the Altai Republic. Note that this area is located near (60 km) from the administrative center - Gorno-Altaisk. This leads to increased migration activity of the population and the intensity of acculturation and assimilation processes. It should be noted the assimilation of the northern Altaians by both the Russian and the titular people of the Altai Republic-Altai-Kizhi. As a result, the bearers of such surnames as Zyablitsky, Busov, Bedarev, etc., changed their ethnic identity.

The total frequency of occurrence of the five most common surnames in all the studied areas of settlement of northern Altaians, as a rule, does not exceed 39 %. There is only one exception: in the 1940s in the Salton district of the Altai Territory, a significant contribution of frequent surnames to the family structure was registered-more than 70 %. This may be a consequence of a higher birth rate and, consequently, a larger number of children in families with surnames of the ethnically forming block.

The dynamics of the frequency of rare surnames may indicate the intensity of assimilation processes, since it reflects the penetration of "foreign" surnames of alien peoples into the fund of surnames of the population. At the same time, the decrease in the number of carriers of frequent surnames may also reflect the dynamics of migration activity, for example, the outflow of the population.

In all the studied regions of the Northern Altai, the share of rare surnames (one or three carriers) has the same positive dynamics - its growth is recorded from the 1900s to the 2000s (Table 3). This indicator is especially pronounced in the population of the Choysky district of the Altai Republic, where the highest frequency of rare surnames and surnames is recorded. carriers of rare surnames.

Analysis of the spectrum of rare surnames has shown that many of their carriers are descendants from mixed marriages who have a" foreign " surname that "came" from other territories. This indicates the intensification of assimilation processes of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai and is consistent with the results of the study.

Table 2. Common surnames among indigenous peoples of the Northern Altai foothills, %

End of Table 2

Note: surnames registered in all four time slices are highlighted.

Table 3. Accumulation of rare surnames in Northern Altai populations

previous research on the dynamics of the structure of indigenous peoples ' marriages (Lavryashina et al., 2013). It was in the early 2000s that we recorded the highest proportion of interethnic marriages in the Solton district of the Altai Territory and Choi district of the Altai Republic.

It is interesting that along with the administrative pragmatics of civil registry office documents, etc., irrational ideas about the reasons for the disappearance of surnames persist among the autochthonous population of the foothills of the Northern Altai. According to the recollections of villagers, for example, a shaman, at the request of relatives, could harm the family to which a person who committed a crime belonged (murder, rape, etc.). It was believed that because of the curse, only girls could be born in the family of this person, and the surname gradually disappeared. This is what informants explain the reduction in the number of Kumandin surnames in the XX century. [Nikolaev, 2012].

Based on the analysis of the dynamics of the family structure of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai, several main factors can be identified that influenced the change in the qualitative and quantitative composition of surnames over four generations. These undoubtedly include: migration, assimilation, and features of reproduction of indigenous peoples.

The distribution of surnames within a single region is determined by complex processes that reflect the population's history, including its migration component (Kazachenko et al., 1980). In this study, data on the frequency of surnames were used to calculate the migration index, an indicator of surname diversity, and to obtain an estimate of random isonymy (Table 4). The random isonymy index is an indicator that reflects the level of inbred populations (conclusion of closely related marriages). Inbreeding is opposed by migration processes, including marriage, which are reflected in the dynamics of the migration index and the index of surname diversity.

Analysis of the dynamics of the family structure of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai revealed the following territorial features:-

See Table 4. Demographic indicators that characterize the population structure of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai, according to the Surnames Foundation

Note: _N-nf - number of surnames; ir - random isonymy; v-migration index; α - indicator of surname diversity.

See Table 5. Coefficient of kinship by isonymy (R_i) in Altai populations

The diversity of surnames was registered among indigenous peoples in the Turochak and Choi districts of the Altai Republic in the early 2000s; the minimum variety of surnames, compared to other territories studied, was noted in the Solton district of the Altai Territory in all periods, but in this area, as in the Choi district, an increase was noted over the century in the Turochak and Krasnogorsk districts, the index of surname diversity varies, but with a unidirectional upward trend from the 1940s to the 2000s, in the Krasnogorsk district, it does not reach the values of the first time period under study, i.e., the 1900s.

The obtained estimates of surname diversity determine the level of random isonymy in the indigenous Turkic-speaking population of the Northern Altai territories studied (Table 4).As expected, in the periods under review, the highest values were observed in the population of the Salton district of the Altai Territory (0.7675; 0.1207; 0.0467 and 0.0322, respectively). The decrease in the value of random isonymy is noteworthy, which is associated with an increase in the total frequency of carriers of five frequent surnames in the 1900s-1940s.

The accumulation of rare surnames revealed by the beginning of the 2000s in all the studied territories of compact settlement of northern Altaians may be a consequence of migration processes, as well as interethnic marriages, the share of which increases during the period under review. Different levels of such accumulation and features of the dynamics of the frequency of occurrence of rare surnames and their carriers (see Table. 2) in some of the studied areas, they reflect the territorial features of migrations.

In the Salton and Krasnogorsk districts of the Altai Territory, the migration index calculated from the frequency of surnames was minimal in the 1900s, and these are the lowest values among all those obtained for different territories and time periods. By the beginning of the 2000s, the values of this index increased, which was reflected not only in the increase in the index of surname diversity, but also in the reduction in the number of indigenous people in these areas [Nikolaev, 2012]. The highest value of the migration index was recorded in Choi district (0.2466) in the 1970s. Despite a slight decrease in its value in the 2000s compared to the 1970s, the level of migration activity of the population remains the highest in all the time intervals studied. Taking into account the obtained conclusions, the level of kinship was estimated on the basis of family diversity, which characterizes the similarity of the family composition of the indigenous population in the studied territories of the Northern Altai in all four periods (Table 5). The values of the kinship coefficient when comparing the number of generations of the indigenous population of the studied territories of the Northern Altai for 100 years were low.

The greatest similarity of family composition is typical for the indigenous population of the Choysky district of the Altai Republic in the generations of the 1900s and 1940s. The most remote were the generations of the indigenous population of the Soltonsky district of the Altai Territory in the 1900s-1970s. different periods, indicate a significant transformation of the fund of surnames of the indigenous population of this region. This may be a consequence of migrations, including mating ones, and increased assimilation processes.

Conclusions

The study of the dynamics of the structure of the indigenous peoples of the Northern Altai (Chelkans, Kumandins, and Tubalars), conducted using an isonymic approach, allowed us to conclude that the population of the Turochak district of the Altai Republic has been characterized by the most stable family structure for 100 years. The stable decrease in the total frequency of surnames of the ethnically forming block noted in the Choi district of the Altai Republic during the XX-beginning of the XXI century may indicate a more intensive migration of the indigenous population in comparison with other regions, as well as increasing assimilation processes.

The total frequency of occurrence of the five most common surnames among the indigenous population of the region does not exceed 39 %. Low values of kinship coefficients by isonymy obtained when comparing generations within rural territorial groups of different periods, demon-

There is a significant transformation of the family structure of the indigenous population of the foothills of the Northern Altai. Based on the results of the analysis, it was found that family diversity and its dynamics are influenced by various demographic processes, primarily migration. Thus, the Krasnogorsk district of the Altai Territory is characterized mainly by the outflow of population, the Salton district - by a decrease in the population and an increase in the proportion of descendants from mixed marriages, and the Choi district of the Altai Republic - by intensive migration flows both to and from the subpopulation with a simultaneous increase in the level of mestizos.

In general, the results obtained are consistent with the conclusions of previous genetic and demographic studies, which allow us to speak about a high degree of mobility of the indigenous population of the Northern Altai and active processes of mestizoization in its environment.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 04.04.14.

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