UDC 391

The article considers the use of one of the types of non-ethnic attributes in the traditional culture of the Khanty and Mansi in the XVII - XXI centuries-three-dimensional sculpture (mainly Russian): imported toys, figurines, figurative porcelain and glassware. As a result of the study, it was found that this sculpture was mainly used to depict figures of deities and patron spirits, to a lesser extent it was included in the ritual sphere for magical purposes or as a temporary substitute for the victim. The existence of the Russian " toy " in the traditional culture of the Ob Ugrians is a fairly vivid fact of ethno-cultural interaction in the north of Western Siberia in Modern and Modern times.

Keywords: attribute, deity, rite, magic, ritual, toys.

Ethnography has long been attracted to "wonders and curiosities"; attention to the unusual in the culture of another people still fuels the interest of researchers. Studying the Mansi and Khanty shrines, describing in them the traditional attributes made by the bearers of the culture (sacrificial veils, masks of the bear festival, wooden statues of deities, shamanic tambourines, etc.), you suddenly come across a Russian children's toy - a soldier, a horse, a frog, and even an ordinary glass ball for a Christmas tree. What do these "things of celebration" do among the harsh, silent and sometimes gloomy attributes of the ancient pagan religion?

In this article, we will talk about usage in the XVII-XXI centuries. in the rituals of the Ob Ugrians of foreign-ethnic (mostly Russian) three-dimensional sculptures: imported toys, figurines, figurative porcelain and glassware*. This sculpture was mainly used by the Mansi and Khanty to depict figures of deities and patron spirits, to a lesser extent it was included in the ritual sphere for magical purposes or as a temporary substitute for sacrifice.

By the end of the 17th century, there is a characteristic report about an incident that happened on the Ob River on the ship of the expedition of the envoy I. V. Shishkin. Ides: according to him, the Ostyaks who came saw a Nuremberg toy-a bear with a wind-up mechanism, "when the spring was wound up, the bear beat the drum, shook its head from side to side and rolled its eyes... As soon as the Ostyaks saw this, they immediately performed all the usual rites for believers, began to dance in his honor with all their might, shake their heads, whistle and hiss. They mistook this toy for the real thing... and they said: "... If we had such a devil, we would have hung him all over with sables and black foxes." They also asked if we would sell it to them..." [Ides and Brand, 1967, p. 99]. Another member of the expedition, A. Brand, recalled this incident somewhat differently: the Ostyaks were shown several toys with a wind-up mechanism, including a drummer who beat the drum with chopsticks, turned his head and rolled his eyes. When " the drummer finished playing, ostyaki... they smacked their lips, beat themselves on the head, threw themselves on the ground, and worshipped him as a God... your shaitan... Then they were shown a similar bear standing on its hind legs and beating a drum... And this bear

Material for the article is collected in the following villages: Yasunt, Khoshlog, Hurumpaul, Lombovozh, Turvat, Halpaul, Kimkyasui, Novy (all-Mansi), Tutleim, Yukhan-kurt (Khanty) Berezovsky district of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug (KhMAO); Pashtori, Vanzevat (Khanty) of the Beloyarsk District of the KhMAO; Vytvozhgort, Nimvozhgort, Ovgort, Khoryer, Karvozh, Mashpan, Vershina Voykara, Anzhigort, Shuryshkary (Khanty) of the Shuryshkarsky District of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug (YaNAO) Green Yar (Nenets, Khanty) of the Priuralsky district (Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District).

1." Harlequin " - Ostyak idol.

ostyaks rendered divine honors, but..... they made it clear that they liked it better... drummer. They... they asked me to give them a drummer... for ... big money" [Ibid., p. 115].

In the 19th century, "foreigners began to buy simple children's toys from the Zyryans and Russians and recognize them as images of gods"; such things were made to order or bought at the Irbit Fair [Gondatti, 1888, p. 7, 16]. By the end of the 19th century, it was reported that one of the representatives of the Mansi family of Bakhtiarovs in the upper reaches of the Lozva River asked the ethnographer I. N. Glushkov to bring a tin or metal figurine of a horse needed for prayers by the voguls [Glushkov, 1900, p. 72].

To represent their own gods, the Khanty and Mansi most often used figurines of anthropomorphs, horsemen, horses, bears, frogs and birds purchased from merchants.

Anthropomorphs. In the collections of the Tobolsk Museum there is a children's copper toy "Harlequin" (TM KP 16169, received in 1898). It depicts a man in a Chinese cylindrical hat; round bells are attached to the arms and torso. According to the museum inventory, the Harlequin was used as an idol by the Ostyaks [Dunin-Gorkavich, 1911, p. 47] (Fig. 1). The "Old wooden Russian doll", which served as an image of the family spirit-the patron saint of the Ob Ugrians, is in the funds of the MAE (Col. N 1864-18) [Prytkova, 1971, p. 101].

In Yasunt, the patron spirit of the Mansi Khozumovs was made in the form of a large anthropomorphic figure: the torso is represented by a blue robe, the head is a rolled - up red scarf with a helmet worn over it. Inside the robe in a lilac shawl was a silver and gilt statuette made in Tobolsk at the beginning of the XIX century: a man in a bell-shaped cap, a frock coat with a high collar, a wide belt and trousers; his arms are bent at the elbow joints, the left is raised up, the right is lowered to the hip. This pose and the arrangement of the hands resemble the movements of men who performed the dance of the heroes at the bear festival. The cap could be understood as a helmet, but the silver (essentially sacred) appearance of the figurine, apparently, left no doubt for the Mansi that they were looking at a heroic ancestor. Thus, the external similarity and the material from which the statuette was made allowed it to organically become part of the cult paraphernalia of Mansi. Another Tobolsk silver statuette of the early 19th century in the form of a man standing on an octagonal base in a brocade robe served as the family spirit-the patron saint of the Khanty R. Poluy; the figure was dressed in several miniature cloth robes (Baulo, 2004, p. 74). In the village. Suevatpaul of the Sverdlovsk region in a suitcase* in the attic of an old house, a porcelain figurine of a dancing girl dressed in seven shawls was found; according to indirect data, the figure could be associated with the appearance of Kaltas-ekva, the main female deity of Mansi [Okno..., 2003, p. 81] (Fig.2)**. In Hurumpaul, a glass Christmas toy in the form of a girl in a sundress was placed in the chest; its purpose is unknown (PMA***, 1985).

The practice of using toys for ritual purposes is also described among the northern Selkups: shaman N. A. Agichev, who lived in 1954 on the lake. Vynga-Pur in the Purovsky district, built a sanctuary not far from his home, where several wooden statues of the spirits who tormented him stood under a larch tree. Later, children's dolls bought in the store were added to them, which also became a receptacle of spirits for the shaman. Leaving for the district center of the village. Tarko-Sale or in the village. Harampur, he used to take them with him in a boat [Prokofieva, 1981, p. 45-46].

* Religious paraphernalia in Mansi and Khanty shrines are usually stored in chests or (at the present stage) suitcases; traditionally, these receptacles are called sacred or holy. All suitcases and chests mentioned later in the text belong to this category.

** I would like to thank O. V. Malozemova, Director of the Ugra Museum of History and Ethnography, for providing me with a photo of the statue.

*** Author's field materials.

2. Porcelain figurine of a dancing girl -one of the images of the Mansi goddess.

Fig. 3. Image of the divine Vert.

Riders. A number of sons of the supreme god Numitorum in the mythology of the Ob Ugrians are horsemen, "men on horseback": "A man of the Upper Irtysh". "The Holy City is a man"," The Middle of Sosva is a man "[Moldanova, 1999, p. 148], but first of all it is Mir-susne-hum - "The world is a man looking around" (aka As-ty-iki, Vert, Urt-iki, Mir-eantty-he, Ali-hum and others), a cultural hero, "the youngest son". Mir-susneh-hum was the patron of man from the moment of his birth. Naturally, the worship of this deity was widespread among the Ob Ugrians everywhere. It was believed that he lived "in the south", in the Trinity yurts-not far from the confluence of the Ob and Irtysh rivers. For an ordinary person (fisherman, hunter, reindeer herder), it was important to have a constant, everyday favor from the Sky Rider. This is the reason for the obligatory presence in every house of a sacrificial blanket with images of a galloping horseman or equestrian figurines. Often the latter turned out to be Russian toys made of papier-mache and wood.

In July 1934, the district newspaper wrote about P. K. Moldanov, a Kazym khan, who "kept a small horse in his house and had a small peasant (doll) riding on his back" (see [Yernikhova, 2003, p.84]). In Lombovozhe, in the house of a descendant of the Mansi princes P. E. Sheshkin, among the numerous and very rich cult paraphernalia, the main fetish was the image of Mir-susne-khum in the form of a horseman made of papier-mache and wood-a cavalryman on a white horse, in a red uniform with epaulettes and a black shako. The owners tied a "scarf" made of a strip of red wool cloth around his neck (Gemuev, 1990: 74-76). Three sculptural images of the rider served as a figure of the deity Verta in the home shrines in Tutleim. In 1997, the following figure was described here: a horse on a wooden stand with four wheels and a rider in a red and blue cap, green uniform, blue trousers with red stripes (Baulo, 2002, p. 18). The second figure was given by the residents of the village to the Berezovsky Museum of Local Lore: the rider is depicted in a white uniform and trousers; stripes, epaulettes and a uniform collar are red; a high hat is on his head. The owners "dressed up" their divine patron in a cape made of a piece of colorful cloth, and attached a string of large beads with a copper bell at the end to the horse's neck (Fig. 3). The third figure represented a man in a black horse-drawn cart (PMA, 2006). In the Pastors in the attic of the house in a large chest there was an image of Vert in the form of a horseman made of papier-mache and wood-a children's squeaker [Ibid., p. 60]. Two more figures of horsemen made of the same material (in blue and red uniforms), denoting the deity Mir-eantty-he, were described as part of the village cult paraphernalia in the sacred barn of Nimvozhgort (PMA, 2003, 2006).

4. Image of Otyr-pyg - "Son of the hero".

Figure 5. A rubber horse representing the horse of the Sky Rider.

The horseman God was also worshipped in the form of metal equestrian figurines. V. N. Chernetsov published a photograph of such a statuette of European design, which served as a mansi image of Mir-susne-hum [1939, p. 35]. The image of Otyr-pyg, the "Son of a Hero", in the home sanctuary of T. I. Nomin on the Severnaya Sosva River was represented by a copper or tin figure of a horseman in a shako, with a saber at his side, trampling a two-headed snake; a white ribbon was tied to the rider (Fig. 4) (Gemuev and Baulo, 1999, p. 72). In the Johan Kurt, the basis of one image of the family patron spirit was the figure of a horse, the other of a man; the external clothing of the figures was robes worn one on top of the other. The horse on the stand was made of tin, the male figure was made of lead, and the legs were made of silver. The figure of the rider was previously soldered to the horse's back. Poor-quality solder caused the separation of the two parts; as a result, they were separately used as the core of spirit figures [Baulo, 2002, p.32]. A metal horseman as the base of a deity figure (possibly Mir-susne-khuma) wearing three shawls was found in the attic of an old house in the village of Suevat paul, Sverdlovsk region [Okno..., 2003, p. 81].

"Horses". The cult of the horse in the XVII-XXI centuries. Apparently, the Ob Ugrians did not exist; we do not have reliable information about this. The horse was revered or distinguished from other animals only as an integral part of the image of the Heavenly Rider. It was customary not only to sacrifice a horse, but also to offer figurines of horses as a gift to the youngest son of the supreme god.

In the Mansi shrine of Khont Torum in the Kempazh River basin, his "horse"-a Russian papier-mache animal figurine-was kept in a set of objects related to the worship of Mir-susne-khum. The white horse was covered with a piece of green cloth, the ends of which were tied on its chest (Gemuev and Sagalaev, 1986, p.72). Papier-mache horses on a stand with wheels (XIX century) denoted the riding animal Ali-huma in the house of Fr. N. Shestalova in the Novinsky yurts (Gemuev, 1990, p. 159), in the home sanctuary of I. V. Albin in Lombovozha (PMA, 2006), in one of the houses of Tutleim (PMA, 2007), in the sacred barn in Mashpan (PMA, 2008). Horse figurines on stands (second part half of the XX century) were stored in the suitcases of N. S. Navyukhov in Tutleim, E. D. Moldanova in Vanzevat, on the lid of a chest in the attic of the house of Yu. A. Moldanov in the same village, in the chest of D. I. Lelkhov in Pashtor (Baulo, 2002, pp. 16, 38, 40, 60). Among the religious paraphernalia in the sacred barn near the Horry is described a rubber horse wrapped in a red woolen cord with strung copper rings and rings (Fig. 5); next to it was a poorly preserved papier-mache figurine that resembled a donkey (PMA, 2006). A large toy horse on a stand with wheels stood in front of boxes and a suitcase in the attic of P. N. Khudi's house in Zeleny Yar (PMA, 2002) (Fig. 6).

Em-vozh-iki/Yalpus-oika- Bear. The "old Man of the Holy City" was considered the mythical ancestor of the phratry of the Por, which was based on the Doughorsk

Figure 6. A toy horse in the home sanctuary in the attic of the house.

7. Figure of the supreme deity in the form of a bear.

Figure 8. Plastic frog-the embodiment of the family spirit-patron.

the (Ural) population of the Ob region; he was revered in the guise of a bear. The Mansi and Khanty refer to the bear as a descendant of a heavenly deity, a patron spirit, a mythical, historical, and cultural hero, an ancestor of the phratry, a shaman's helper spirit, a guardian of the oath, a guardian of the border of the middle and lower world, and others (Schmidt, 1989). Images of Yalpus-oika were kept in a number of Mansi villages in Northern Sosva (Niruspaul, Verkhne Nildino, and Aneevo) [Kannisto, 1958, p. 212; Gemuyev, 1990, p.125]. In some cases, wine bottles (see, for example: [Shukhov, 1916, p. 32]) with a capacity of 0.7 and 0.5 liters in the form of a sitting bear figure were used to denote the deity; one of the specimens found indicated the year of production - 1888. These bottles were wrapped with handkerchiefs, pieces of cloth, hung on the neck of low copper rings, etc. Such images of Yalpus-oiki were found as part of cult paraphernalia in Muvgort (here the bear belonged to the family spirits-patrons of the Longortov khants), Vytvozhgort, Top of Voykar (Fig. 7), Johan-kurte, Karvozhe (PMA, 2001-2003, 2007). Interestingly, during the ceremony, the bottle was also used for its intended purpose: vodka was poured from it into a silver glass, which was first brought to the image of the deity.

At the top of the Voykar, among the family's iconic paraphernalia, there was a children's cardboard flat bear figurine in a bundle of ribbons and a piece of bear hair. Such an unusual gift was also associated with the veneration of a deity in the form of a bear (PMA, 2006).

Frog. Khanglasam-nai-ekva was considered one of the daughters of the supreme god Numi-torum (the elder sister of the Central Ossetian hero). She had seven daughters, three of whom lived in yurts on the Ob River. Sometimes the patron goddess was called Pranai, Poryhpan-ekva ("frog"), Hal-ekva ("between the hummocks of a woman"); in particular, she acted as a totem of the Puksikov family from the village of Hanglasam [Gondatti, 1888, p. 27; Chernetsov, 1939, p. 26; Sources..., 1987, p. 36, 239-240]. Khanglasam-nai-ekva's domain extended over the entire upper reaches of the Northern Sosva River; it was considered the owner of valuable fur-bearing animals such as sable, ermine, beaver, and otter (Rombandeeva, 1993, p.57). The patron goddess on the Tal River was called Nyars-nai-ekva; she looked like a frog (Kannisto, 1958, p. 167). Information is recorded about the storage of a human-sized image of a frog in a special barn in the 20th century and the sacrifice made to it [Sokolova, 1971, p. 216]. In home sanctuaries for

9. Toy "Geese" from the Mansi home sanctuary.

children's toys were used to represent this deity. In the suitcase of N. S. Novyukhov in Tutleim, among the domestic fetishes, a rubber figure of a frog wrapped in a handkerchief was kept; it was believed that it brings good luck in hunting and fishing. The toy represented Tutleim's patroness, Pajit ne (Baulo, 2002, p. 16). 8) and a small rubber frog dressed in headscarves served as family protectors in the house of G. N. Khudi in Zeleny Yar (PMA, 2002).

Birds. Many of the deities of the Ob Ugrians had an ornithomorphic appearance. The owl, eagle, wagtail, gull, and loon were especially revered as the patron ancestors of local groups. The goose hypostasis was inherent in Kaltash-ekva and Mir-susna-khum [Gemuev and Sagalaev, 1986; Mythology..., 2001; etc.]. According to V. N. Chernetsov, in the sanctuary of Yipyg-oika, the "Old Owl" not far from Khalpaul, its embodiment was a porcelain figurine of an owl manufactured by M. S. Kuznetsov tied in a white handkerchief together with coins [Sources..., 1987, p. 206]. A porcelain salt shaker duck produced by the same factory was stored in a chest in the attic of the Anyamovs ' house in Hurumpaul; in this case, it was again seen as the "owl" -the village's patron spirit (PMA, 1999). In another house in this village, a silver duck figurine was among the attachments that formed the core of the Kaltasch-ekva image [Gemuyev, 1990, p. 4]. 48]. In Turvat, in a suitcase, there were three small anthropomorphic figures made of light-colored cotton fabric; their length did not exceed 30 cm. The head of one of the fetishes was a bundle of several shawls, in which there was a silver figure of a goose made by a Tobolsk master of the mid-XIX century. [Gemuev and Baulo, 1999, p. 17]. In the cult barn near Khoryer, a clay whistle bird (the work of a Russian craftsman of the second half of the XIX century) served as the basis for the figure of the family spirit-patron; clothes for it were sewn by a Khanty craftswoman (PMA, 2006). In Kimkyasui in 1999, a children's squeaker toy of the turn of the XIX-XX century was one of the main attributes in the chest of the Gyndybins five painted papier-mache geese on a wooden stand ; the owners tied a ribbon with copper rings around the toy [Ibid., p. 149]; by the time we visited the home sanctuary in 2006, two figures of geese were lost (Fig. 9).

Temporary replacement of the victim. Another variant of the use of the Russian " toy " in the rituals of the Ob Ugrians is associated with the so-called temporary replacement of the victim. The fact is that the best sacrifice to the deities was considered an animal, while Mir-susne-khum was supposed to sacrifice a horse, and other figures of the Ugric pantheon-a deer (bull, sheep, rooster, etc.). Such a sacrifice was often burdensome for the family budget, and not all Mansi and Khanty had horses and deer, and in the summer the latter were located on the mountain pastures of the Urals. Instead of a sacrifice, you could put an imitation of it in a "holy" chest - an animal figurine cut out of birch bark (cardboard); a person, turning to god with a request, swore an oath to kill a horse or deer at the first opportunity; birch bark figurines were supposed to be thrown away after the sacrifice, but in practice they were most often kept among the cult attributes [Kannisto, 1958, p. 314]. In exceptional cases, metal figurines purchased from merchants were used as temporary replacements for victims. It is possible that this type of victim includes a copper horse-lock and a deer, which together with the silver duck (see above) formed the basis of the figure.Kaltasch-ekva in Hurumpaul [Gemuev, 1990, p. 48]. This is presumably how the presence of three figurines in one place can be explained at once: initially, the Kaltash-ekve in the form of a goose was presented as a temporary replacement for the horse and deer figurines; after some time (apparently, in the next generation of the sanctuary owners, when the original meaning of the sacrifice was forgotten), a group of three objects became the basis for forming the goddess figure. The category of temporary victims includes a large copper statuette of a deer (presumably in the second half of the 19th century) tied with a woolen cord with copper rings, which was kept by the Khanty in Shuryshkary (Baulo, 2004, p. 146), as well as a massive cast copper image of a horse from Khoshlog (Fig. This figure of a horse with a bell around its neck, together with a silver saucer made in Moscow in 1830, and copper and silver coins from the 1840s and 1890s, was wrapped in a silk handkerchief (PMA, 2008). Thus, the temporary sacrifice to the family spirit-patron was increased by

Fig. 10. The copper horse.

11. A sacrificial gift to the patron spirit with a request for the safety of the herd.

12. Metal fish-the key to successful fishing.

additional offerings. At the same time, the proximity of the animal figurine and the silver saucer could be an echo of the ancient custom of offering (and eating) the meat of a sacrificial animal only on metal dishes, as V. N. Chernetsov wrote (1947, p. 120).

Magic rites. The last of the options for using toys and household sculptures discussed in the article is related to presenting them to deities for magical purposes, mainly to ensure favorable fishing and successful farming. In Lombovozh, in the chest of Mansi, there was a sculptural image of a man walking behind a mule (?), made of tin (presumably the turn of the XIX-XX centuries). The animal figurine was wrapped with a woolen cord (Fig. 11) and presented to the family spirit-patron with a request for the safety of the herd, meaning all domestic animals: cow, sheep and horse (PMA, 2006). In Johan-kurt, at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries, metal fish were donated to the family god (according to the Russian version).apparently, cases for storing needles with the inscription "Sign of Love")- the well-being of the local population completely depended on fishing (PMA, 2008) (Fig.

* * *

We have considered almost all known cases of using toys, metal figurines, and figurine dishes among the Mansi and Khanty to represent deities and patron spirits, as a temporary substitute for a sacrifice or a sacrificial gift for a magical purpose. Two similar cases were recorded among the Nenets: in the village of Zeleny Yar on the Polui River, they live among the northern Khanty, marry with them, and borrow many features of religious practice.

There are several reasons for the existence of such "curiosities" in the traditional culture of the Ob Ugrians. First, the basis for the entry of toys, figurines and figurines into the ritual sphere was most often their coincidence with the appearance of one of the deities: a horseman, a bear, a bird, a frog. It was a coincidence; the exact type definition of the character depicted in the toy did not play a key role. Important, for example, is the bird hypostasis (in the legends of the Voguls of the turn of the XIX-XX centuries, "flying wings" and "legs" appear

running " patron spirits [Kannisto, 1958, p. 130]), and whether it was an owl or a duck, was not the main reason for including the figurine in the category of cult attributes, even if a certain bird species (eagle, gull, owl, etc.) was revered as a totemic ancestor*.

It should be recalled that in the ritual practice of the Ob Ugrians in the Middle Ages, metal figurines were used-local (Ural) hollow bronze figurines of animals and birds, as well as silver sculptural images received from the East (an elephant, a monster's head, a girl with the head of an antelope in her hands, etc.) [Anuchin, 1893; Treasures..., 1996; Baulo, 2004]. The Russian " toy "continued this tradition.

Secondly, according to the canon, most of the Mansi and Khanty did not have the right to make cult attributes; only "initiated" persons could make tambourines, sacrificial veils, wooden statues, etc. But the need for fetishes - personal or family-was constant. Therefore, for a nominal fee (required!) they ordered a " god " to another person (Gemuev, 1990, p. 168) or bought a "god"toy from a passing merchant.

Third, a number of local groups of Ob Ugrians had a ban on making figures of higher deities. According to A. Kannisto, the voguls of the upper reaches of the Lozva River could make (in fact, carve out of wood) only images of the forest spirits menkva, but not patron spirits (pupyg) or Mir-susne-huma (Kannisto, 1958, p. 208). In this case, the Russian "toy" was a good help.

Turning purchased items into images of their own deities, the Mansi and Khanty supplemented them with the necessary details: scarves and capes, ribbons, copper rings, dressed them in shawls and dresses, i.e. adapted everyday things to the religious sphere. The entry of the Russian " toy " into the traditional culture of the Ob Ugrians is a fairly vivid fact of ethno-cultural interaction in the north of Western Siberia in Modern and Modern times.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 29.07.08.

* A similar situation is also typical when using samples of ancient bronze foundry production in the ritual sphere: in two figurines - a bear and a small fur - bearing animal-the Khanty saw their totem ancestor-the wolf (PMA, 2005, Anzhigort, Shuryshkary).

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