In the Late Bronze Age, the right-bank part of the Irtysh forest-steppe region formed a suite of cultures with the dominant role of the Irmen culture. Native speakers of the Irma, Suzgunsky, and Pakhomovsky cultures, as well as the roller ceramics culture, live in different zones of this region. The degree of their interaction was different. In the subsequent transition period from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age, the formation of a suite of cultures increases. Population groups from the north, west, and south-west migrate to this territory, forming large trading post settlements.

Key words: Late Bronze Age, transition period from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age, Right-bank Irtysh region, Western Siberia.

Introduction

The territory of the forest-steppe Ob-Irtysh region, called the Baraba forest-steppe, was developed by humans in the late Pleistocene period. Due to its active study, which began in the late 1970s, the concept of historical and cultural development of populations from the Neolithic to the Late Middle Ages was created in the early 1980s (Molodin, 1983). The materials obtained during the subsequent archaeological investigations in this area made it possible to develop and introduce into scientific circulation a number of fundamental propositions that formed the basis for new reconstructions for the Bronze Age [Molodin, 1985], the Early Iron Age [Polosmak, 1987], and the early and developed Middle Ages [Elagin, Molodin 1991; Baraba..., 1988], as well as the Late Middle Ages and Modern Times (Molodin, Sobolev, Solov'ev, 1990).

One of the results of the study of funerary and settlement complexes that are unique in terms of information content was a significant expansion of the range of sources necessary for correcting the provisions of the concept, and sometimes even changing it. The work on improving the concept was especially intensified due to the widespread use of natural and exact science methods by archaeologists, in other words, a multidisciplinary approach [Molodin, 2010a; Multidisciplinary research..., 2013].

The large amount of excavation materials accumulated to date and theoretical developments make it possible to consider the processes of ethnoculturogeny in the region at a fundamentally new level, to concretize and detail individual phenomena already in local territories. This paper is devoted to this detailed analysis of cultural and historical processes in the most well-studied part of the Baraba forest-steppe of the Late Bronze Age and the transition period from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age.

The study was funded by a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project N 14 - 28 - 00045).

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Research results

The western part of the Barabinsui forest-steppe, or forest-steppe region of the Irtysh region, should include the territory whose natural boundaries are: in the west-r. Irtysh, in the east - the watershed of the Irtysh and Ob basins (the upper reaches of the right tributaries of the Irtysh - the Om, Tartas, and Tara rivers), in the north - the border between the forest-steppe and taiga zones, in the south-the border between the Barabinsui forest-steppe and the Kulunda steppe (Panadiadi, 1953) (Fig. landscape areas here have always been mobile. In wetter climatic periods, the taiga massifs shifted to the south, and then the forest-steppe also retreated to the south, reclaiming space from the steppe. These natural and climatic phenomena exerted an important and sometimes decisive influence on the formation of the ethno-cultural situation in the considered zone.

Taking into account the mobility of the boundaries of natural and climatic zones, it can be assumed (at least approximately) that the length of the territory under consideration from north to south reached about 210 km, from west to east-225 km, and its area was approximately 47,250 km2 (it is comparable to the area of such modern states as Denmark or Belgium)..

When we call this territory a forest-steppe, we should keep in mind that not all its parts were equally comfortable for human habitation. Natural features were sometimes a factor that determined the direction of the population's economy in these zones. Thus, the more forested northern part of the forest-steppe, which still abounds in swamps (Fig. 2), was not quite comfortable for human life. The landscape here suggested mainly hunting and gathering, to a lesser extent fishing and cattle breeding, and excluded agriculture.

The central (Fig. 3) and southern (Fig. 4) zones of the forest-steppe are rich in amazing herbage with a unique bouquet of herbs, a magnificent relief and are wide-

Fig. 1. Right-bank Irtysh region.

2. Typical landscape of the northern part of the Barabinsu forest-steppe.

3. Typical landscape of the central zone of the Barabinsu forest-steppe.

4. Typical landscape of the southern zone of the Baraba forest-steppe.

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they were very comfortable for human life. Here there were conditions for the development of cattle breeding, and in different directions. A huge number of lakes with huge fish reserves gave people the opportunity to actively engage in commercial fishing. Such branches of the economy as hunting and gathering were undoubtedly auxiliary here. The specifics of favorable (though unstable) climatic conditions for human life in this part of the Baraba forest-steppe contributed to the formation of early forms of agriculture. River systems in the region under consideration not only determined the development of fishing, but also served as highways along which individual populations moved, and sometimes large-scale migration flows.

Special attention should be paid to the presence in the considered zone of some kind of oases-territories that are most suitable, even during periods of natural disasters, whether it is drought or flooding, for the development of paleoeconomics in almost all the areas listed above or for the survival of populations in unfavorable years. Of course, there couldn't be many such oases here. One of them was located at the confluence of Omi and Tartas, where there was a system of terraces and a wide multi-kilometer floodplain (a kind of Siberian savanna) with rich fish and game reserves, as well as stable grass even during periods of climatic transgressive or regressive optima. Probably, such oases can be considered places where the Om and Tara rivers flow into the Irtysh. There were very favorable conditions for a person, but the proximity to the mighty waterway-the Irtysh, which connected the northern taiga world with the southern territories of Central Asia, was a risk factor in his life. Another unique oasis, undoubtedly, was the water area of the largest lake in Western Siberia. Lake Chany, which at that time occupied one of the first places in the world in terms of size (Pulsing Lake Chany, 1982) and had a mobile (depending on transgressive processes) mirror and huge floodplains. At all times, it was distinguished by rich biological resources.

The four named oases have been attractive to humans in almost all historical epochs, as evidenced, in particular, by the special concentration of archaeological sites here. The so-called archaeological microdistricts (in any case, the Vengerovsky and Tarsky ones) are confined to such oases (Molodin and Novikov, 1998; Nizhnetarsky Archaeological District, 2001). All the above characteristics can be extrapolated to the Late Bronze Age and the transition period from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age considered in this paper. This period is quite special, and I will try to demonstrate this in this paper.

The climatic conditions in Western Siberia (including the above-mentioned area) during the Late Bronze Age and the subsequent transition period to the Early Iron Age were different. In the XIV-first half of the X century. In the last third of the second millennium BC, when the Late Bronze Age cultures existed in the south of Western Siberia, there was a tendency to warming and aridity (in general terms, it corresponds to the paleoclimatic scheme of A. V. Shnitnikov [1957], archaeological observations of M. F. Kosarev [1979] and other archaeologists). At that time, almost the entire territory of the forest-steppe Right-bank Irtysh region was characterized by quite comfortable conditions for human life. It was suitable for stable living not only for the autochthonous population, but also for representatives of other ethno-cultural groups of pastoralists, primarily newcomers from the West. Let me remind you that powerful migration flows of carriers of the Andronovo (Fedorovskaya) culture began to penetrate the West Siberian steppes and forest-steppes just in the period of the developed Bronze Age (II millennium BC; see, for example, Molodin, 2011).

In the IX-VIII centuries BC, the climatic situation in the region, as well as in Eurasia as a whole, was deteriorating. According to paleogeographers, it became very cold here, and temperatures as low as possible for the Holocene in general were established; experts call this period "glacial" (Levina and Orlova, 1993).

This had disastrous consequences for the inhabitants of Western Siberia, especially in high-latitude zones (in one of my works I even called this period "ecological stress" [Molodin, 2010b]).

Large-scale flooding and waterlogging of the taiga zone of Western Siberia, combined with extremely low temperatures, forced people to leave their habitual habitats and migrate south to the forest-steppe, which, in turn, caused the movement of native culture carriers in various directions, similar to Brownian motion. As a result, a peculiar ethno-cultural situation has developed in this part of the Right-bank Irtysh region, which until recently seemed very simple to researchers, including myself. At the current level of knowledge, it is very complex, and in the light of data on the existence and development of archaeological cultures here, it is dynamic.

The Late Bronze Age period in this region was marked by the replacement of the Andronovo (Fedorovskaya) culture of the Advanced Bronze Age by the Irmen culture (Molodin, 1985). This process is reflected in the vast expanses of the West Siberian forest-steppes from the Minusinsk basin in the east to the left bank

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Irtysh region in the west. It is important to note that in anthropological (and probably genetic) terms, the Andronovites (Fedorovites) were not homogeneous. In their material and especially spiritual culture, first of all the burial practices presented in the above-mentioned region of Northern Asia, the features of originality are revealed. The presence of these features is explained by the fact that the Andronovtsy (Fedorovtsy) who came to this territory at the beginning of the second millennium BC continued to develop independently or began to actively contact the local aboriginal population, which included representatives of different ethno-cultural formations. The interaction was quite lengthy, complex in nature, and varied in nature. Often it gave rise to a mixture of newcomers and aboriginal people, but the development of these processes in the specified territory (in forest-steppes and steppes) always led to the dominance of the cultural traditions of newcomers. At the final stage of the Advanced Bronze Age, the autochthonous population completely dissolves into the alien environment or is displaced to adjacent territories.

Thus, in the first half of the second millennium BC, in different parts of the forest-steppes from the Yenisei to the Irtysh, the adaptation of newcomers-pastoralists to new conditions did not proceed in the same way. The manifestations of this process in each specific zone should be the subject of special study. On the territory of the Right Bank of the Irtysh region under consideration, Andronovtsy (Fedorovtsy) first indirectly, and then directly, actively contacted the aboriginal Late Krotov population. As a result of these connections, a hybrid Late Krotovskaya (Chernoozerskaya) culture was formed (Molodin, 2014). Its analysis in dynamics allows us to draw conclusions about the strengthening of the dominant role of the alien Andronovo (Fedorovsky) population and its "return" to the lost traditions in its own culture and burial practice.

In the 14th century BC, the vast territory of the West Siberian forest-steppes between the Minusinsk Basin and the Irtysh River underwent a rapid transition to a new Late Bronze Age culture, the Irmen culture. (N. L. Chlenova [1955] distinguished it as a special archaeological culture.) It is interesting that in some areas its manifestations in the material and spiritual spheres, of course, had special features (see, for example, [Stepanenko, 2012]) while preserving the general color of culture.

How and why did this transition take place from the powerful Andronovo historical and cultural community to the cultural formations of the Late Bronze Age, in particular, the Irma one? I don't find any convincing answers to this question. There is no doubt that it requires special consideration. In the meantime, it can be stated that the carriers of the Irmen culture inherited from their predecessors both individual elements of funerary practice: the burial of the deceased in a crouched position, underground burials, the construction of fences made of stone or ditches, decorative elements, etc., and Caucasian features [Chikisheva, 2010].

The Irmen culture is characterized by peculiar pottery, funerary practices, house-building, and economic activities. Its carriers in contrast to andronovtsy (fedorovtsy) They settled in the territories west of the Yenisei and the Minusinsk basin, where the Karasuk culture was formed epochally close to the Irmen culture, identified in the 1920s by S. A. Teploukhov [1929].

To date, the Irmen culture has been studied quite well. Of course, the degree of its study varies in different parts of its range, but it is only a matter of time before the Irmen culture is eliminated. In my opinion, it is not necessary to give a detailed description of the Irmen culture here, since it has already been considered in a number of generalizing monographs [Bobrov, Chikisheva, Mikhailov, 1993; Matveev, 1993; Matyushchenko, 1974; Molodin, 1985].

Several funerary and settlement complexes of the Irmen culture were studied in the specified territory of the Right Bank of the Irtysh region. The Preobrazhenka-3 and Sopka-2/7 burial grounds have been fully investigated, and deposits of the Om-1 and Kargat-6 settlement complexes have been uncovered over a fairly large area. The time of the Irmen culture carriers ' existence in the region under consideration (XIV-first half of the X century BC) was determined on the basis of a series of radiocarbon calibrated dates for the ancient (Irmen) site of the Chicha-1 monument (Molodin and Parzinger, 2009).

The dominant branch of the economy among the carriers of the Irmen culture, who settled in the zone of vast river floodplains, was undoubtedly sedentary or semi-sedentary cattle breeding. It perfectly provided the population with the necessary products even in unfavorable dry years. The richest, unique bouquet of herbs in this area of Baraba (this was first noted in 1871 by Academician A. F. Middendorf, who came here with a special expedition [1871]) guaranteed the production of high - quality high-calorie products-meat, milk, butter and cheese. In addition, important components of the human diet were products of gathering, fishing and hunting, which allowed maintaining the necessary caloric balance in summer and autumn. They were stored for the future, for the winter and spring.

The life of the inhabitants of the Right-bank Irtysh region in the Irma period was stable and probably quite comfortable for almost 500 (!) years. Irmen culture smoothly, without any visible changes

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cataclysms evolved into the Late Irman culture of the transition period from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age, which existed for another two and a half centuries.

A brief description of the paleoeconomics of the Irmen culture bearers should be supplemented with data on agriculture (Sidorov, 1986). Agricultural products in some favorable years were probably so plentiful that their processing required millstones( hand mills), which, judging by the excavation materials, were also used in burial practice (Bobrov, Chikisheva, Mikhailov, 1993). Flour producers could supply surplus grain to their tribesmen in the west and receive some other products in return. Let me remind you that, according to the research of L. R. Kyzlasov, the very appearance of a hand mill in everyday life indicates that the population has received a significant amount of grain [1985].

Thanks to their economic power, the Irmen population fully mastered the forest-steppe areas of the zone under consideration suitable for cattle breeding and was able to penetrate even deep into the north, into the pre-taiga zone, through convenient corridors in the swamp systems of Southern Vasyugan. This is evidenced by the settlement of the Irmen culture Novochekino-1, located on the Cheka River, a tributary of the Tara (Molodin and Zakh, 1985). In the decoration of the classic Irmen ceramics found here, there are some elements characteristic of the decoration of dishes of the northern neighbors-carriers of the Suzgun culture, who lived in the Late Bronze Age, in particular, in the southern taiga zone of the Right Bank of the Irtysh region.

Thus, the synthesis of Irmen and Suzgun traits, which was reflected in the ornamentation (with the former dominant), indicates not only the adaptation of the Irmen culture carriers in a new environment for them, but also the contacts that resulted in the mixing of the population. This led to the merger of the Irmen and Suzgun ethno-cultural groups and ended at the end of the Late Bronze Age (probably in the tenth century BC) with the formation of a new syncretic ethno - cultural formation-the Barabin variant of the Suzgun culture (Molodin and Chemyakina, 1984). The unique appearance of ceramics allows us to conclude that the carriers of the Irmen culture who came to this territory, no longer receiving any serious support from the metropolis, gradually dissolved into the local environment. Moreover, during the same period, the carriers of this syncretic (or actually Suzgun) culture migrate to the south, to the central part of the forest-steppes of the Ob-Irtysh region, which is reflected in the burial of a child of representatives of this culture in the Sopka-2/8 burial ground.

Cooling and flooding of the taiga zone of Western Siberia caused the population to move not only in the meridian (from north to south), but also in the latitudinal direction. For some reasons that are not yet fully understood, at the final stage of their history, the carriers of the Irmen culture allowed the penetration of the carriers of the Western culture, called Pakhomovskaya, into their territory. In the Late Bronze Age, this culture occupied vast areas between the Tobol and Irtysh rivers (Korochkova, 2010, Fig. 1). At the end of the Late Bronze Age, its bearers moved from west to east along the waters of Omi and Tara, where they left the Grishkin Zaimka burial ground and burials on the Tartas-1 monument, as well as the settlements of Khodunekovo and Lozhka-6. In these areas of the Right-bank Irtysh region, the newcomers co - existed with the autochthonous Irmen population, and in the north (in the Tara basin) - with the Suzgun people. The mechanisms of their interaction have yet to be determined, but today it can be stated that in the north-west of Baraba, within the zone under consideration, the Pakhomov population moves up the Tara (this is evidenced by such interesting settlements as Prorva [Evdokimov and Stefanov, 1980], Alekseevka XXI [Tataurova, Polevodov, Trufanov, 1997], etc.), came into contact with the carriers of the Suzgun culture, or rather, its Barabinsky variant, as indicated by the Pakhomov ceramics presented at the settlement of Novochekino-3 (Molodin, 1985, Fig. 74).

Thus, at the end of the Bronze Age, carriers of the Pakhom culture penetrated into the north-western zone of the right-bank Irtysh region, where the Om was, apparently, the southern border of their range, and the Tara was the northern one, and adapted to local conditions. The Pakhomovtsy who came from the west coexist in this territory with the autochthonous Irmentsy (in the southern part) and the Suzguntsy who have already adapted to the water area of Tara (representatives of the Barabinsky variant of the Suzgunsky culture).

The situation was different in the south of the designated area of the Baraba forest-steppe, on the border with the Kulunda steppe. The vast expanses of the latter were a zone of habitation and movement of representatives of several cultural formations of the Late Bronze Age, including the Sargarinsky-Alekseevskaya, Begazy-Dandybaevskaya, Valikova, Cherkas - Kul groups, etc. [Ivanov, 1988; Papin and Fedoruk, 2005; Sitnikov, 2002; Udodov, 1994; Fedoruk, 2013; et al.].

In the south-east of the territory considered in this article, in the water area of Lake Baikal. Ornamental motifs typical of the so-called roller ware were identified in the ceramic complex of the Irmen culture at the Kargat-6 hillfort (Molodin, Novikov, and Sofeikov, 2000). It is interesting that the bearers of traditions

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Fig. 5. Main archaeological sites of the Late Bronze Age in Russia

Right bank of the Irtysh region. 1-settlement; 2-burial ground; 3-ancient settlement; 4-sanctuary; 5-8 - cultures: 5 - Irmenskaya; 6 - Pakhomovskaya; 7 - Suzgunskaya; 8-roller ceramics. 1-Prorva; 2 - Alekseyevka XXI; 3-Grishkina Zaimka; 4-Novochekino-3; 5-Novochekino-1; 6-Tartas-1; 7-Lozhka-6; 8-Sopka-2; 9 - Preobrazhenka-2; 10-Preobrazhenka-3; 11-Om-1; 12-Abramovo-4; 13-Kargat-6; 14-Chicha.

According to the observations of E. N. Chernykh, these ceramics occupied vast areas of the Eurasian steppe belt [1983].

Irmen contacts with the indigenous population of the southern and southeastern parts of Baraba were probably not peaceful, as in the northern and western zones of the region. This is indicated by fortified settlements (hillforts). Nevertheless, even here in the south, as in the north-west, the carriers of the Irmen culture came into contact with their southern neighbors, adopted from them certain elements of economic and household activities (construction of wells in dwellings), as well as traditions of ornamentation of dishes.

The above suggests that at the final stage of the Late Bronze Age, there were several ethno-cultural groups of the population in this part of the Right-bank Irtysh region. One of them - autochthonous-consisted of carriers of the Irmen culture, belonging to Caucasians with a Mongoloid admixture and having an established and dynamic material and spiritual culture. It was joined by a group of representatives of "hybrid" formations - the Barabinsk (in the north-west) variant of the Suzgun culture and the South Irmen variant, which was formed as a result of contacts between carriers of the classical Irmen culture and the roller ceramics culture. Another element of the ethno-cultural picture is the representatives of the eastern variant of the Pakhom culture who migrated from the west. It should be noted that the Suzgunians apparently moved sporadically to the central part of the territory under consideration and were primarily in contact with the Pakhomovites (Fig.

It is important to emphasize that the southern, western, and northern groups of migrants who entered the Irtysh region under consideration were culturally and ethnically diverse. They were drawn closer to the Irmen population by their similarity, firstly, in the economic structure, probably with different dominant sectors of the economy, which allowed them to find territorial niches for coexistence, and secondly, in the ideology, which is generally characteristic of the Late Bronze Age cultures of the Eurasian steppe and forest-steppe belt.

Mosaic settlement of such different ethnocultural groups on the territory under consideration led to the formation of an even more complex ethno-cultural situation in the region, which is recorded based on the materials of the transition stage from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age.

By the end of the 10th century BC, a suite of cultures of the transition period from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age was formed in the West Siberian forest-steppes. At this time, an autochthonous Late Irmen culture was formed in the Right Bank of the Irtysh region, whose roots go back to the Late Bronze Age; it is genetically related to the previous Irmen culture. Carriers of the Late Irmen culture occupy a somewhat smaller territory than their predecessors-from the right bank of the Ob River in the east to the Irtysh region in the west (Fig.

Intensive migrations of populations in the taiga and forest-steppe zones of Western Siberia caused the Late Irmen culture to be under constant ethno-cultural influence from outside. Therefore, it is extremely rare to find it in its "pure form". Even on such a long-term settlement monument of the Late Irmenian culture in the Right-bank Irtysh region as Turunovka-4, the classic set of dishes for this culture shows clear signs of innovations (Molodin and Kolontsov, 1984) associated with the Berlik and Pakhomovsky ceramic traditions.

The penetration of northern, western and southern cultural traditions into the Right Bank of the Irtysh region and their generally peaceful coexistence on the same territory with the aborigines led to the appearance of huge settlements in the region, in fact trading posts. Representatives of several ethno-cultural groups with different dominant economic activities, different cultural traditions and funerary practices lived on their territory.

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Fig. 6. The main archaeological sites of the transition period from

Bronze Age to Iron Age in the Right Bank of the Irtysh region. 1-settlement; 2-burial ground; 3-ancient settlement; 4-sanctuary; 5-9 - cultures 5 - pozdneirmenskaya; 6 - Pakhomovskaya; 7-krasnoozerskaya; 8-suzgunskaya; 9-berlikskaya;

1-Korchugan; 2-Bolshoy Log; 3-Tartas-1; 4-Old Garden-1; 5-Kama; 6-Turunovka IV; 7-Om-1; 8-Chicha-1; 9-Chicha-Zdvinsk.

practice. A striking manifestation of this phenomenon is the ancient settlement Chicha-1, located in the area of Lake Baikal. In the course of a comprehensive analysis of the materials of the monument, it was established that in one village there co-existed carriers of the dominant Late Irmen culture, as well as representatives of the Atlym and Suzgun cultures who migrated from the north, carriers of the Krasnoozersk culture who came from the west, as well as groups of the population from the southwest, which I define as Berlik. According to the results of a comprehensive analysis of a large ceramic complex (Mylnikova, 2014), all these groups not only lived together on the entire territory of the trading post (Molodin, Mylnikova, Kobeleva, 2008), but also intensively mixed (Molodin et al., 2009), generating essentially "hybrid" ethnic groups (Fig.

The Chicha-1 trading post was not the only one in the region under consideration. No less large-scale was the ancient settlement of Bolshoy Log, located in the lower reaches of the Om River, another oasis of the Right-bank Irtysh region (Geningidr., 1970). The dominant population on it was also the carriers of the autochthonous Late Irmen culture. In addition, the settlement was inhabited by newcomers from the south-west (Berliks), representatives of northern populations (Suzguntsy), and carriers of the Krasnoozersk culture who migrated from the west (Chlenova, 1994). In terms of ethnic and cultural composition, the populations of Bolshoy Log and Chichi-1 were close, although their numbers apparently differed.

The formation of trading posts like Chicha and Bolshoy Log, where the population was culturally and ethnically diverse, should probably be considered not exceptional, but a natural phenomenon for the transition stage from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. This phenomenon is particularly evident in the Left bank of the Irtysh region and the Pritobol region. In the Irtysh region, a series of ancient settlements of Inberen appeared, which were located in close proximity to each other (Abramova and Stefanov, 1985). I would not be surprised if conducting geophysical research on them will help to form a new idea of these complexes with no less grandiose system than on Chicha-1. Similar complexes, such as the Karagai-Aul, which also shows signs of co-existence of representatives of different cultural formations at the same time, were studied by V. I. Zakhom and O. Yu. Zimina [1999]. All these complexes combine not only impressive dimensions, but also traces of habitation in the same residential space of different cultural groups. At the same time, the" set " of ethno-cultural groups on monuments and the representation of each of them in such factors are always different.

Let us return to the analysis of historical and cultural processes on the territory of the Right Bank of the Irtysh region. At present, it can be argued that along with the autochthonous Late Krotov population, which formed the core of the inhabitants of the Chicha-1 and Bolshoy Log settlements, the Turunovka-4 settlements, carriers of the Pakhomov culture, its final period, continued to live in the central part of this region. This is evidenced by the large necropolis Stary Sad-1, which is dated from the fragment of the stirrup-shaped ends of the rods to the transition period from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age (Molodin, Pilipenko, Zhuravlev et al., 2012).

At the same time, it should be noted that an important component of the ceramic complex of the Old Garden-1 burial ground is Suzgun ware. This allows us to draw a conclusion about the adaptation of native speakers of the Suzgun culture in the environment of not only Posneirmen, but also Pakhomov residents. The recently discovered and largely investigated large ritual complex at the Tartas-1 monument (Molodin, Nagler, Hansen et al., 2012) indicates a stable life of the Pakhomov culture carriers during the period under review. It is interesting that it is absolutely dominated by Pakhom ware, but the time of existence of this ritual complex is indicated by the Late Irma ceramics found here.

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The ethno-cultural situation that has developed in the north-west of the region under consideration, on Tara, is no less complex. Here, during the excavations of the Korchugan multilayered complex, classical Krasnoozersk ceramics were discovered (Molodin, Novikov, and Marchenko, 2002), indicating that the carriers of this culture penetrated the southern zone of the Right-bank Irtysh region through the Omi water area, and into the northern zone-through Containers. It is possible that the northern route of cultural carriers was more convenient and preferable.

Thus, the processes of "hybridization" of cultures and mosaic settlement of their carriers in the right-bank part of the Irtysh forest-steppe, which began in the final Bronze Age, sharply intensified during the transition period from the Bronze to the Iron Age. Carriers of the autochthonous Late Irmen culture continued to maintain and strive to strengthen ethno-cultural contacts with migrants from the north - carriers of the Suzgun and Atlym cultures, but they were especially active in establishing ties with the Krasnoozertsy who came from the northwest, as well as with the Berliks who penetrated from the west and southwest. The peaceful coexistence of these groups was facilitated by the different orientation of their economies: sedentary cattle breeding among the Late Irmians, nomadic or semi-nomadic-among the Berliks, the dominant role of appropriating industries among the Suzgunians and Atlyms, and possibly also among the Krasnoozerians. All this made it possible not only to avoid competition for fishing grounds (see Molodin and Vasiliev, 2010), but also to complement each other's potential (there was an exchange of products).

The ethno-cultural situation in the region during the period under review became more complicated due to the integration of representatives of the eastern variant of the Pakhom culture who lived here with the northern Suzgunians, as well as (to a lesser extent) Late Irmens. Apparently, the Late Irmen and Pakhomov people had approximately the same orientation of economic activity, which required delineation of habitat zones. However, pozdneirmentsy and pakhomovtsy obviously preferred a compromise to confrontation. During this period, the northern part of the region under consideration was actively developed by native speakers of the Krasnoozersk culture.

Conclusions

In the Late Bronze Age (XIV-first half of the X century BC), a "western enclave" of the powerful and distinctive Irmen culture was formed in the right-bank part of the Irtysh forest-steppe region. Its prosperity was promoted by a favorable natural and climatic situation. In the northern part of the region, the Irmens actively interacted with representatives of the taiga culture, called the Suzgun culture. In the south, on the border with the Kulunda steppe zone, the Irmens came into contact with the bearers of the roller ceramics culture. As a result, mixed, essentially hybrid formations were formed in these territories.

At the end of the specified period (X century BC), due to a cold snap, carriers of the Pakhom culture appeared in the region; they moved from the west along the Omi and Tara water areas. The newcomers were particularly active in contact with representatives of the Barabin variant of the Suzgun culture in the north. Ties to the Irmen were less prominent.

Thus, at the final stage of the Late Bronze Age, a mosaic of various ethno-cultural formations was formed in the region under consideration, as a result of active contacts between which "hybrid" ethno-cultural communities were sometimes formed. In the subsequent period (the second half of the X-VIII century BC), with the onset of the "Holocene ice age" in the region, the migration of populations from north to south sharply increased, which provoked the movement of ethno - cultural groups not only ordered-in the meridian direction, but chaotic, similar to Brownian.

These processes resulted in an ethno-cultural situation, which was reflected in the territory under consideration in the materials of the transition period from Bronze to Iron (Fig. 6). The Irmen culture that once dominated the region evolved into the Late Irmen culture. The interaction of its carriers with the Suzgun and Atlyms from the north, Berliks from the southwest, and Krasnoozers from the northwest who migrated to this territory in search of a more favorable place to live led to the formation of settlements-trading posts in which carriers of different ethno-cultural formations coexisted and interacted. At the same time, native speakers of the Pakhom culture lived quite independently in the region; they were actively in contact with the Suzgunians who came from the north, and also, but to a much lesser extent, with the aborigines - Late Irmens. All this, in modern terms, led to the formation of a similar confederation in the region. Formation of the fratrial structure of society [Zakh and Zimina, 2005; Molodin, 2007], which in this case is understood as "artificial association of unrelated genera into one whole" [Draeger 1986, p. 208], as well as the formation of large settlements-trading posts-are the first signs of craft production [Durakov, 2009, pp. 213-230]. The formation of a kind of confederate enclaves can be considered a manifestation of proto-civilizational processes.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 09.09.14.

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