Libmonster ID: CN-1324
Author(s) of the publication: V. GELBRAS

V. GELBRAS, Doctor of Historical Sciences

During 2002-2007. The Communist Party of China (CPC), pursuing a policy of "reform and opening up" and export-oriented economy, has initiated a gradual revision of the country's development strategy. The revision was finalized by the decisions of the 17th CPC Congress (2007). The essence of the changes boils down to moving away from the export orientation of the economy as the main supporting structure for the growth of its leading industries, to implementing an integrated, socially oriented development of the country. To this end, the program of the 11th five-year plan has been clarified.

The party acknowledged that a lot of effort and resources have been invested in developing the export orientation of the economy. The result achieved is of epochal significance. China has become a global economic power. China's GDP accounts for 4-5% of global GDP. It is impossible to lose the positions gained in the world market, and the party decided to modernize its export-oriented strategy.

At the same time, it is impossible to continue to be a "world workshop" under the industrialized powers. The time has come to shift the focus of our strategies from maximizing growth to improving production quality. Moreover, 30% of global consumption of rolled steel, 31% of conventional fuel, 54% of cement, and 25% of aluminum are consumed for the production of 4-5% of world GDP.1

In China, it was recognized that the export orientation during 1997 - 2002 was accompanied by an unbalanced structure of the economy, deepening territorial differentiation, separation of the city from the countryside, backwardness of agriculture, and the preservation of the concentration of the majority of the population in rural areas. Deep socio-economic contradictions have emerged in the country. The standard of living of the peasantry has fallen far behind that of the townspeople, and "new poor strata" and "new rich"have emerged in the city and countryside. Education and health care have ceased to meet the needs of development, and commodity-money relations in these sectors have caused serious damage to the social development of society.

Forces and resources are focused on solving internal problems, especially the social conditions of society's development. The Party returned to implementing the decisions of the XIII Congress (1987) on the "initial stage of socialism". At this congress it was noted:"...The initial stage of socialism in our country is a period of gradual liberation from poverty and backwardness, a period of gradual transformation of an agrarian country... in a modern industrial country with a predominant non-agricultural population, a period of transition from a natural and semi-natural economy, which has a huge share, to a highly developed commodity economy, a period of creation and development through perestroika and the search for unusually vital socialist economic, political and cultural mechanisms..."2.

To understand the reasons for the relevance of the decisions of the XIII CPC Congress, 20 years after their adoption, we will analyze the changes in the country's public life that have occurred over the years.

CLASS SOCIETY IN CHINESE

The implementation of" reforms and openness " has caused major changes in society and the state. The country's population increased from 1,093 million in 1987 to 1,314. 5 million in 2006. h This increase - more than 220 million new citizens-is comparable to the entire population of the two largest provinces, Shandong and Sichuan. At the same time, as officially announced, the implementation of the birth control policy prevented the appearance of 400 million new residents.

Most of the population continued to live in rural areas throughout this period. City and village registration, introduced in the mid-1950s, defined the framework of administrative and political division of the population. In essence, this order meant the creation of a class society, in which belonging to the urban and rural class was inherited. No one could change their status at will. It was only in the early 2000s that the rigid division of the population into urban and rural areas began to gradually fade into the past. However, it will take a generational shift and many economic and administrative arrangements before this historical legacy ceases to distort the lives of millions of people.

The agricultural population was 833.2 million in 1982, 904.5 million in 1990, 942.4 million in 2000, and 891.6 million in 2006.4. Its share in the country's population has declined from 81.9% in 1982 to 67.8% in 2006.5 Economic development is accompanied by a dynamic process of urbanization. In 1984, at the beginning of reforms in the urban economy, there were 465 cities in the country, in 2005 - 657. Almost 75.5 thousand volosts disappeared - their number

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decreased by 5.7 times. The population of cities increased by almost 362 million people, from 214.8 million in 1982 to 577.1 million in 2006.6 However, their non-agricultural population, i.e. those with city registration, increased from 183.3 million people in 1982 to 422.9 million in 2006. Modern infrastructure and multi-industry utilities were created in cities.

It was the rural population that made a huge contribution to the creation of five export production bases* and urban China. The peasantry paid for the growth of export production and the construction of cities with a low standard of living and the backwardness of the countryside. In 1990, the per capita income of urban residents was 2.2 times higher than that of peasant families. In 1995, the income of the former was 2.7 times higher, in 2000 - 2.8 times higher, and in 2006-3.3 times higher than that of the peasants. In fact, the gap was and remains even larger. According to the calculations of Chinese authors, taking into account various social benefits, the incomes of citizens are 5-6 times higher than the incomes of peasants.

These differences do not fully reveal the actual difference in the standard of living of urban residents and peasants, since they do not sufficiently characterize the difference in the quality of life of these groups of the population.

Peasants make up almost 68% of the population, but they account for only about 32% of the country's wholesale and retail turnover (even if trade in the county centers is taken into account) .7 This circumstance is one of the most important evidences of the negative impact of the export orientation of the Chinese type on the country's economy and the life of its population. The domestic market, we can say, "shrank" under the pressure of export production and ceased to generate impulses for economic development.

According to experts, the level of consumption of peasants in general is not less than 10 years behind the level of consumption of urban residents. 8 According to the results of the Fifth National Census, in the total population with education above lower secondary school, rural residents account for 39.1%, and urban residents - 65.4. The share of illiterates among people over 15 years of age in the village it is 8.3%, in the city-4%. For a long time, the costs of education had to be borne by local authorities and peasants, which steadily led to the widening of the urban-rural divide.9

During the 1990s and 2000s, rural residents accounted for 60-70% of the country's population, accounting for only 32-34% of all medical expenses. In 2000, per capita medical expenses for rural residents amounted to RMB188. 6, and urban residents-RMB710. 2, or almost 3.8 times more. By the beginning of the 2000s, only 10% of villages still had cooperative medical services. More than 80% of the peasants were forced to receive medical treatment at their own expense.10

As a result, a significant mass of peasants remained poor in the country's villages. Experts from the Research Institute of Agricultural Development of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences proposed setting the poverty standard (officially it was 668 yuan per capita annual income) at 882 yuan (1/3 of the average income of farmers in the whole country). In this case, the number of the poorest peasantry will be at least 85 million people who have not " solved the problem of warmth and satiety." If we take into account the UN standard equal to $ 1, we will be able to calculate the cost of the project. in terms of the purchasing power of currencies (corresponding to 2.5 yuan, i.e. 900 yuan per capita annual income), the number of China's poorest population will reach 100 million, exceeding 10% of the total rural population of the country.

The Chinese expert who presented these calculations notes that Chinese farmers have a contract allotment that serves as a social guarantee, so the concept of poverty in China differs from its counterpart outside the country. However, it notes: "We must look directly at the fact that the income gap between the poor and the rest of the people is rapidly widening in China, and the plight of the poor continues to worsen." 11

One of the most important factors of social and economic inequality between townspeople and peasants was the government's disregard for the interests of agriculture, the countryside, and the peasantry for almost a quarter of a century. Due to the "agricultural registration", the peasantry was prevented from leaving the village. The State, on the other hand, reduced expenditures on the vital socio-economic needs of the development of agriculture, the countryside, and the peasantry. Only in the 2000s, as the "agricultural registration" was gradually abolished, did the peasantry have the opportunity to migrate.

THE FATE OF A FAMILY CONTRACT

In 2002 - 2007, the CCP, recognizing the backwardness of agriculture, rural areas, and the low standard of living of the peasantry, took a number of measures to normalize the situation and solve urgent problems in the agricultural sector. The agricultural tax, which had existed for more than 2,600 years, was abolished. A "new type" of cooperative medical service has begun to be established in the village. This process is expected to be completed within the next three years. In 2007, a new cooperative system was launched in 2,448 counties and urban areas with a population of 730 million people. Decisions were made to expand the general education school, students and their parents were exempted from paying for textbooks and school supplies. A law on employment contracts has been adopted, the application of which will eliminate delays in the payment of wages to migrant farmers, regulate the length of their working day and working week, and generally make the conditions for hiring and working peasants in cities more civilized.

Not everything is going well in implementing the policy of raising agriculture and rural development. The family contract, which was finally recognized by the party only in 1984, changed several times in the following years, but the essence remained unchanged: instead of owning land, farmers were given the right to use their own land.-


* Five export production zones: Pearl River Delta (Guangdong), Fujian Province, Changjiang-Yangtze River Delta (Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang), Bohai Bay Area (Beijing, Tianjin, Liaoning), Shandong Province.

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land management. In the conditions of agricultural overpopulation, it was necessary to abandon periodic reviews of the size of contract plots. Land trade is officially prohibited, and contract land plots are allowed to be rented out or used as collateral. The right to use land has acquired a value and price.

Land ownership was initially assigned to the peasant collective of the village. However, then the peasant collective of the village began to be understood as an administrative village, i.e. a higher structural level of village settlements. Decisions of the administrative village authorities were subject to approval by the volost government. There was a serious contradiction: on the one hand, the "eternal" right to use the contract allotment was declared, on the other, the village administration was able to dispose of peasant allotments. And here is the result: land trade actually takes place, in the course of illegal land frauds of 20-30 million rubles. the peasants lost their allotments.

At the same time, more flexible use of allotment rights allowed tens of millions of peasants to leave the countryside in search of income and provide their families with food. In some places, large farms began to appear on the basis of voluntary shared association of family allotments. According to the materials of the "Green Book on Population and Labor", published in 2007, young people from 3/4 of all villages went to the seaside areas. There are about 120 million surplus workers left in the villages. More than half of these people are over 40 years old. Experts suggest that, taking into account the new situation, speed up the reform of the registration system and other restrictions that hinder the migration of peasants.12

These data reflect the extremely complex social structure of modern Chinese society. Indeed, the employed population of the country in 2007 was 769.9 million people, 3.4% more than in 2003. 13 Of them, 293.5 million lived in cities, hence 476.4 million. they remained rural residents.

According to data for 2006 (more recent ones have not yet been published), 283.1 million people were employed in urban areas.14 Of these, 111.6 million were full-time employees of enterprises and organizations, accounting for less than half of the total number of urban workers. In other words, on the basis of the data presented, it is possible to judge how many millions of migrant peasants worked in cities until recently, without having the rights of workers and employees. Migrant farmers are the main source of labor for urban private and individual entrepreneurs. It is typical that in 2008 they employed 78.9 million people, or 9.2 million more than in 2006.

This is clearly an abnormal situation. It was her CCP that decided to change. To this end, laws on employment contracts, employment promotion, minimum income social security, occupational injury insurance, basic medical care, pension provision and a number of others were adopted.

MOTOR OF THE ECONOMY

The development of private entrepreneurship in China was accompanied by the development of new economic concepts. The concept of "people's" ("civil") economy appeared. According to Chinese authors, it allows for three interpretations: 1. "People's" economy in a broad sense means the economy of various forms of ownership outside of state-owned enterprises and enterprises with state participation. 2. A "people's" economy based on national capital consists of collective, individual, private and other mixed-type farms. It excludes enterprises with capital participation from Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, as well as foreign capital. In this regard, another concept has come into use: "national people's economy". 3. "National" economy in the narrow sense means individual and private farms.

In China, it is recognized that the 10th five-year plan saw a historic change in the place and role of the "people's" economy in all areas of life. It has become a basic, organic part of the national economy, an important channel for employment growth, an important source of state taxes, and an increase in foreign trade.15

At the end of the 9th five-year plan (2000), the "national people's economy" accounted for 42.8% of GDP. In an economy based on foreign investment, investments from Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan generated 12.6% of GDP. A total of 55.5%. At the end of the 10th five-year plan (2005) - 50% and 15-16%, respectively. In total-about 65% of GDP.

In other words, Chinese authors come to the conclusion that the economic system of the PRC has acquired fundamentally new features.

When the leaders of the party and the state legalized private entrepreneurship in the country in the 1980s, they hardly fully understood the consequences of this decision. Surely they did not expect that by the beginning of the new century, private entrepreneurship would have completed the process of its revival and would play a significant role in the socio-economic life of the country.

A quarter of a century later, in China, you can read a lot of arguments about the" original criminal essence", about the" criminal birthmarks " of private capitalism. 16 There is a considerable amount of truth in such characteristics. However, in fact, it is quite difficult to develop an unambiguous assessment of private entrepreneurship and the very course of its revival. It was born and began to develop rapidly due to several powerful impulses.

The first and largely decisive impulse is the political decisions of the party and the Government. In China, the word "privatization" has been avoided for many years, although in fact it has been in full swing, both legitimately and criminally, and has become a public phenomenon since the early 1980s.The main participants in this process are party and state officials and management personnel of state and "collective" enterprises. In 2004. they accounted for more than 67% of private entrepreneurs. 55% of former CEOs.-

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state-owned and" collective " enterprises that became private entrepreneurs were members of the CCP.

As a result, in a few years the country has not just completed the process of initial capital accumulation, but has developed large fortunes, powerful private structures have emerged that are not much inferior in economic power to their foreign business counterparts. A large number of large entrepreneurs, who were explicitly or secretly nurtured by party and state efforts, came from the bureaucratic environment.

In September 2002, at the XVI Party Congress, the criteria for a "new assessment of the class of private entrepreneurs"17 were defined, the essence of which is as follows. The main goal of the CCP is to improve the welfare of the people. As an economic recovery progresses, the standard of living increases and the individual assets of families can continuously increase. The main ones are the ideological and political image of a person and his specific actions. It is necessary to take into account the sources of formation and use of property, its contribution to the development of"socialist productive forces". Entrepreneurs are the builders of socialism, just like the workers, peasants, intellectuals, and persecutors (a layer of trusted party and state leaders), the PLA soldiers. Therefore, private entrepreneurs are an important part of China's social structure and can apply to join the CCP.

In March 2003 The National People's Congress (NPC), in a resolution to supplement the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, introduced a provision on the "builders of the cause of socialism" and their important component - private entrepreneurs - in the "united patriotic front". In February 2005, the State Council of the People's Republic of China issued a decree on the promotion, support and management of individual, private and other non-state farms.

The second powerful impetus for the growth of private entrepreneurship is the intensification of the activities of organized criminal communities and their gigantic illegal operations with state assets. Criminal groups managed to entangle the country with their secret connections and, taking advantage of the favor, or even the tacit complicity of high-ranking officials, create secret business empires. The gradual denationalization of enterprises and the growing tension in the labor market have created a breeding ground for active business activities of officials, as well as for an increase in the number of organized criminal groups that cause considerable damage to the country's economy.

They are being fought. During the period from 1983 to 2005, more than 10 major operations were conducted to identify organized criminal groups.18 As a result, more than 1 million such communities were eliminated. Nevertheless, as noted in one of the responses to the adoption of the Anti-Money Laundering Act (2006), the judicial practice of recent years shows a continuous increase in crimes related to corruption and corruption.

The third powerful impulse is the growth of mass entrepreneurship of city and rural residents, who sought to provide their families with a source of income. The state, especially in the early years of "reform and openness", paid so little attention to addressing the diverse needs of the population that enterprising people took advantage of the opportunities that appeared. Some of them were able to succeed and become widely known as talented businessmen.

Finally, mass unemployment, the extremely low income of the peasantry and urban poor, and the reduction of staff in state-owned enterprises created a labor market in cities. The gradual abolition of the" agricultural registration " allowed millions of migrant farmers to rush to various parts of the country in search of earnings. The lack of social security and social insurance, the inaction of trade unions, and the backwardness of labor legislation contributed to the existence of a multi-million-strong army of workers who are ready to take on any job, accept the most difficult working conditions and low wages.

As a result, private entrepreneurs have formed a multi-layered social education. Its foundation was formed by a mass of small (family) entrepreneurs who have the right to attract several employees for auxiliary work. In China, they are listed as part of individual farms. According to the 2004 economic survey, this group of entrepreneurs consisted of 39.2 million people. farms registered as legal entities. Their real assets amounted to 5.1 trillion yuan (28% of their total mass), exceeding in total the real assets of collective farms (1.4 trillion), structures with foreign capital and capital from Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan (2.9 trillion yuan). More than 75 million family members and 94.2 million children were employed in family businesses. employees. According to Chinese estimates, these farms actually numbered 150-200 million people. On average, no more than 2.4 employees worked in each such family farm.

OFFICIALS GO INTO BUSINESS

The "revival" of private entrepreneurs who base their activities on attracting hired labor officially dates back to April 12, 1988, when a provision recognizing private entrepreneurship was first included in the Constitution of the People's Republic of China. In 1995-2004, their number increased from 1.34 million to 9.48 million, i.e., it increased more than 7 times in 10 years. The number of private enterprises - from 655 thousand to 3.65 million, or 5.5 times, and their authorized capital-from 262 billion rubles. up to 4.8 trillion yuan, i.e. jumped by more than 18 times! The changes that have taken place in just 10 years are impressive.

According to the results of sample surveys in 1993, 59.9% of entrepreneurs came from the environment of peasants, workers, employees of the service sector.-

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In the following years, the composition of entrepreneurs has changed radically. In 2004, more than 63% were former drivers, engineers, and suppliers. The country has experienced "official commercialization".

In 2002, more than 2 million private entrepreneurs were surveyed in 31 provinces, autonomous regions, and central cities. It turned out that 17.4% are deputies of the assemblies of people's representatives at various levels, 35.1% are members of political advisory bodies. 29.9% of entrepreneurs are members of the Chinese Communist Party. 25.8% of private enterprises were created as a result of the actual privatization of state-owned or "collective" factories and fabriks19.

In 2004, the average authorized capital of a private enterprise exceeded RMB1. 3 million, more than 3 times higher than in 1995.

The main backbone of private enterprises was formed by relatively small institutions. The number of enterprises with a registered capital of more than 1 million yuan reached 1.09 million - almost 30% of all private enterprises.

A 2004 survey found that 118 private industrial enterprises met the criteria of a large industrial enterprise. According to the established standards, their operating income should be equal to or greater than 300 million yuan, their assets should be equal to or greater than 400 million yuan, and the number of employees should be at least 2,000. There were 2,154 enterprises of this scale, including 1,229 with state or collective capital participation.

Large firms are growing at a particularly high rate. For example, the number of firms with an average authorized capital of more than 1 million yuan increased by 87% in just one year.

Two-thirds of the country's private enterprises are concentrated in the eastern regions of the country. Including in the areas of export production-in Guangdong Province (389.8 thousand), Shanghai (384.9 thousand), Jiangsu (418 thousand), Zhejiang (333.2 thousand), Beijing (224.7 thousand), Shandong (276.1 thousand) and others, more than half of all private enterprises in the country are concentrated. They have become an important part of the country's export-oriented economic complex. If in 2000 1,8 thousand private enterprises were engaged in export, in 2005 it was already 56 thousand.

Never before has private entrepreneurship developed as rapidly as it did in 2000-2005. Never before have they played any significant role in foreign trade. In the 10th five-year plan, they provided more than 17% of the increase in exports and imports, including over 21% of the increase in exports. The volume of their exports and imports has increased 44.3 times in five years! The share of private enterprises in foreign trade turnover increased from an almost invisible 0.8% to almost 12%. Even more impressive was the growth of their exports - it increased by 47 times!

A MIDDLE CLASS EMERGED

According to a publication by the United Front Department of the CPC Central Committee, a "middle class"has emerged in the country. Its number is estimated at 50 million people who own or manage a capital of 10 trillion yuan.20 China ranked 2nd in the Asia-Pacific region in terms of the number of richest people. The wealth of 320,000 people is estimated at $ 1.59 trillion. (without real estate). On average, the wealth of each of them is $ 5 million.

There was a sharp property stratification of Chinese society. Let's use a comparison of the property parameters of the 10% of the poorest and 10% of the richest people in China. In 2002, the poor accounted for 0.68% of the net value of the public domain, while the rich accounted for 41.41%. The former had less than 1% of the financial wealth of the population, the latter-47.8%. The former had 2.8% of the value of fixed production capital, the latter-23.7%. The former accounted for 2.8% of the total value of durable goods, while the latter accounted for almost 35.8%.21

In other words, the Chinese materials convincingly show that the economic system of the People's Republic of China has acquired not only fundamentally new features, but also a character different from the declared one.

In order to solve the accumulated problems in the development of society, the CCP recognized the urgency of strengthening and developing its "ruling" potential. In 2006-2007, the country underwent a gigantic change of leadership in the center and in the field.

The party started its own modernization. From 2003 to July 2007, its membership grew by more than 13 million, reaching 73.4 million members. On the eve of the opening of the 17th Congress, it was announced that another 19.6 million people were ready to join the CCP, submitted relevant applications, and swore an oath of loyalty in front of the party banner. Taking these individuals into account, the party takes on a new look. They will gradually replace party members over the age of 60, who currently make up more than 23% of its membership. Thus, changes in the strategy will be carried out, in fact, by a new party.

FUNCTIONARIES SIT IN THE PARLIAMENT

Major changes have occurred in the organization of legislative and executive authorities. In terms of the number of deputies, the NPC is the largest legislative body in the world. About 70% of the approximately 3,000 NPC deputies are heads of party administrative bodies and enterprises. They formed, as the Chinese press notes, "a special social community."

Many in the country are concerned about the abundance of officials and the increase in their mass. About 70% of the surveyed residents consider it necessary to reduce the number of officials. Wang Jian, deputy dean of the Economics Department of the State Administrative Institute, said that in terms of the ratio of the number of employees and the size of GDP, the number of employees in China "exceeds" their specific number in other countries by about 20 times.

According to the Law on Employees, the concept of "party-political unions"is specified. It turned out that there are about 6.5 million Ghanaian states in the country.-

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donative administrative bodies. In the last three years, the number of gongos performing special functions in party organizations and major mass organizations is 11 million. In addition, there are 36 million Ghanaians in the country as part of knowledge workers in party, government, military, industrial, business and mass organizations. In total, the "budget-funded staff" consists of 50 million people. Relative to the population, this category of personnel is smaller in China than in developed countries. However, from an economic point of view, the situation is completely different. In the United States by $ 1 million. GDP accounts for 2.31 people, in China-39 people of such personnel.

In 2008, the restructuring of the State Council of the People's Republic of China and many other bodies began. Measures are being taken to modernize the financial system and ensure the openness and transparency of the Government's activities.

SOCIAL PROTECTION MEASURES

Over the past few years, social protection for both urban and rural populations has changed for the better.22 Here are just a few examples.

A new type of cooperative medical system is gradually being created in the villages. The elimination of agricultural and other taxes, the ban on collecting payments to compensate for the canceled taxes, put the self-government bodies of volosts and villages in a difficult position. In this regard, for the establishment of a cooperative medical system, budget funds are allocated to supplement the contributions of farmers.

It was decided that there should be no zero-employment families in cities, and each family should have at least one employee. The implementation of this measure can significantly improve the financial situation of the poorest and most vulnerable part of the urban population.

At the end of 2007, basic old-age social security was extended to almost 201.4 million people in cities, an increase of 13.7 million compared to the previous year. The same type of insurance also applies to almost 18.5 million migrant workers. By the end of 2007, 223.1 million people were covered by basic health insurance in cities, almost 65.8 million more than in 2006. Among them, 180.2 million urban workers and employees, an increase of 22.9 million people.

Unemployment insurance covers 116.4 million people, an increase of 4.6 million compared to 2006. They include 11.5 million people. migrant workers. Occupational injury insurance covers 121.7 million people, 19 million more than in 2006. Among them, 39.8 million migrant workers are insured, an increase of 14.4 million compared to 2006.

Birth insurance covers 77.75 million people, almost 13.2 million more than in 2006.

If we compare the results of the development of social security and social insurance in 2007 with the size of the urban population, the number of workers and employees in cities, and the mass of migrant peasants, we have made a relatively small step forward. It is important, however, that it occurred.

The turnaround in the CCP's and state's strategy is becoming increasingly clear. State policy becomes socially oriented not in words - there are many of them in the past-but in deeds.


1 Shiqida daibiao qingxing kandai Zhongguo weilai mianlin de u da tiaozhan (Delegates of the 17th Congress soberly consider the five major challenges facing China in the future) http://www/gov/cn/jrzg/2007 - 10/19/content_780008/htm

2 Documents of the XIII CPC (October 25-November 1, 1987) - Beijing: Publishing House of Literature in Foreign Languages. 1988. p. 14.

3 Zhongguo tongji zhaiyao, 2007 (Concise Statistical Handbook of China, 2007) - Beijing: Zhongguo tongji chubanshe, 2007. E 39.

4 Ibid. E 38.

5 Ibid.

6 Zhongguo tongji zhaiyao, 2006. E 39. Cities also include the rural population of their suburbs. According to the demographic census for 1% of the sample, the share of rural population in Beijing in 2005 was almost 16.4%, Tianjin-24.9%, Shanghai - 10.9%, etc.; Zhongguo tongji nianjian, 2006 (Statistical Yearbook of China, 2006) - Beijing: Zhongguo tongji chubanshe, 2006. Tab. 4-4 (electronic option). China's urban population is overwhelmingly first-generation citizens.

7 Zhongguo tongji zhaiyao, 2006. E 14. In 1978, i.e. before the start of "reforms and openness" and before the transition to export orientation of the economy, rural retail trade accounted for almost 68% of trade turnover.

8 Renmin ribao haivai ban. 22.11.2006 - http://china.com. cn/economic/txt/2006...

XieYang. 9 Zhongguo nungqun fazhan yi chenshihua mianlin de zhuyao wenti ji duice (Chinese village Development and major issues facing urbanization and counter-policies) - www.drcnet.com. cn/DRCNet.Channel. Web/expert/showdoc. asp?doc_id= 198756

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.

12 Beijing wanbao. 15.06.2007 - http://www.pishu.cn/Artic-le/psxw/200706/1232.htm

13 2007 nian laodung he shehui baozhang shiye fazhan tongji baogao (Statistical Report on Labor and Social Security Development) - http://www/stats.gov.cn/tjgb/qgqttjgb/t 20080521...

14 Zhongguo tongji nianjian, 2007 (Chinese Statistical Yearbook, 2007) - Tab. 5-1 (electronic version).

15 Minying jingji dafazhan kuajin lishi xin shiqi (A new period of major historical growth of the "people's" economy) - Zhongguo minying jingji fazhan baogao. N 3 (2005 - 2006) http://www.pishu.cn/pishu/jj/200609/695.html

16 Mei ri jingji xinwen. 10.11.2006 - http://news.xinhuanet/ com/ comments/2006..: Shanghai zhengquan bao. 16.11.2006 - http://news.xin-huanet/com/fortune/2006...

17 Siying qiyezhu jieceng cengzhangde xin jieduan (A new stage in the formation of the private entrepreneur class); 2006 nian: Zhongguo shehui singshi fengxi yui yuce (2006: analysis and forecast of the social situation in China) - http://china.com.cn/zhuanti/2006 -01/19/con-tent 6095866.htm

Xin Yan, Yablokov N. P. 18 Borba s mafiioi v Kitae; Ovchinsky V. S. Mafiia XXI veka: made in China, Moscow: NORMA Publishing House, 2006, p. 165.

19 Zhongguo saying qiye diaocha (China Private Enterprise Survey) - http://www.china.com.cn/chinese/zhuanti/282306.htm

20 Renmin ribao hai wai ban. 13.02.2007.

21 Zhao Renwei. Wogo jumin shouru fenpei he caichan fenbu wenti fenxi (shang) (Analysis of income distribution and wealth distribution issues in our country) - http://www.drcnet. com.cn/DRCNet.Channel.Web/expert/showdoc.asp?doc_id=199404

22 Updated information is provided here and below, which is more complete than the statistical report on China's social and economic development results in 2007. See: 2007 nian laodung he shehui baozhang shiye fazhan tongji baogao (Statistical Report on Labor and Social Security Development) - http://www/statsgov.cn/tjgb/qgqttjgb/t20080521_402481634/htm


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