Libmonster ID: CN-1332
Author(s) of the publication: GAO SHUQIN

GAO SHUQIN, (China)

China sees political globalization as Western interference in its internal affairs. China rejects such Western demands as granting independence to Tibet and Taiwan, and also does not accept the Western concept of protecting human rights and reforming the Chinese political system that ensures the power of the Communist Party.

In this context, China interprets globalization only as a dangerous and unacceptable new version of hegemonism for China, or, in the words of former Chinese President Jiang Zemin ,as "neo-interventionism" .1 After the Tiananmen Square events of 1989, Western countries began to implement a policy of containment of China, violating Chinese sovereignty, interfering in the internal affairs of the country, using the Hong Kong issue and the issue of human rights. Since 1989 and until 1997, when Hong Kong was successfully returned to Chinese sovereignty, China has always been principled and has not made a single concession on the issue of sovereignty. The return of Hong Kong marks the triumph of the concept of one country , two systems and shows that the people of China have taken an important step towards completing the unification of the country.

According to Yang Chengxu, Director of the China Institute of International Affairs, " with the end of the Cold War, two powerful trends have emerged in the world: multipolarity in politics and globalization in the economy. The world is moving towards an interdependent multipolar structure. As the global economy has become more globalized, China's trade and economic ties with the United States, Europe, Japan, and other industrialized countries have virtually ceased to feel the impact of political differences. " 2

Thus, China recognizes that globalization has an impact on different areas of public life. Its main task remains to bring the scale of economic cooperation in line with the level of political relations with partners. By developing economic ties with industrial countries, China actively participates in economic globalization and seeks to use it for the development of its economy.

In other words, the Chinese approach to globalization is based on the principle of separation of politics and economics .3 As a result, as the Chinese international expert Wang Hexin rightly points out, the protective role of sovereignty in our time has acquired new aspects. "Due to the rapid development of globalization, national security began to include not only a political and military component, but also economic security became particularly important." 4

On the issue of inequality in globalization, Chinese economist Fan Gang wisely suggests "balancing reform and openness." 5 China should seek benefits without harm, actively engage in the process of economic globalization, and courageously take on challenges .6

China alone cannot crush the existing international system and build a new one. Its real choice is to adhere to the existing international order, to maximize its benefits, while at the same time influencing its evolution in a constructive way and reshaping it to make it more equitable and rational .7 Based on this, and fully aware of the limitations of its own forces, China seeks to avoid attempts to destroy the existing international order. Therefore, today the People's Republic of China is more focused on internal affairs, modernization, economic development and continuing reforms. International affairs, with the exception of a relatively narrow range of issues, such as the Taiwan issue, the Korean issue, the situation in the South China Sea, and a number of global issues, in particular concerns about US hegemonic aspirations, do not have an obvious priority. This does not mean that Beijing is indifferent to these issues, but only that China is not yet strong enough to actively expand the scope of its international interests in all areas, although this process is gradually gaining momentum .8

The global political process is increasingly defined by financial and related factors.

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political circles of the leading developed countries. The decisions made by these circles become imperative for the whole world. In practical terms, this means more or less successful implementation of the already agreed scenario of global development under the new rules. This poses clear threats to the national interests of developing countries .9

Globalization under the rules created by developed countries, led by the United States, meets the interests of only Western countries, but not the entire world community. In general, it is the developed countries, not the developing ones, that receive more dividends from globalization. Consequently, the foreign policy of leading Countries tends to ignore the national interests of developing countries.

One of the areas of China's involvement in the process of globalization is participation in regionalization, which, as noted by Wang Yi, is a necessary stage of economic globalization on the long road to integration .10 China should actively engage in regional and sub-regional cooperation, especially in the work of the East Asia group, as the development of regional and sub-regional organizations not only contributes to the process of economic globalization, but also encourages the formation of a multipolar and diverse new international order .11

Perhaps the most significant new development in the PRC's geostrategy is that after the normalization of relations with the USSR in 1989, Beijing shifted its focus on countering external threats from the north to the east, south-east and south, and the PRC's geostrategy took the form of the formula "rely on the north, stabilize the western direction, concentrate the main efforts". in the east and south (the north refers to Russia, the Central Asian states, Mongolia, the west - India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, the east and south-Japan, the DPRK, the Republic of Korea, the ASEAN countries, and Taiwan) " 12 .

Thus, China is focused on resolving problems with its neighbors, seeks to balance its foreign policy in the north and in the south, and actively participates in the process of globalization and regionalization. It is noteworthy that the static nature of the foreign policy concept remains against the background of serious changes in the situation in the Asia-Pacific region. For historical, geographical and geopolitical reasons, China's main interests are concentrated in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific region. China recognizes that the globalization of politics will pose a new challenge to its foreign policy. Therefore, cooperation with Russia can stabilize the northern borders, which is of strategic importance for China.

Chinese political scientist Chen Zehua in his work "China's Foreign Policy Strategy in the XXI century" identifies three main directions of the country's foreign policy strategy:

1. Coordination of relations between China and other powers, mitigation of potential conflicts with other Powers.

2. Actively regulate China's relations with neighboring countries and reduce tensions.

3. Eliminate rumors about the "Chinese threat", prevent the emergence of a new world cold war 13 .

China seeks to establish diplomatic relations with those countries with which it does not yet have such relations, attaches great importance to political consultations with ASEAN, activates the dialogue.-

page 26


It promotes economic cooperation, playing an important role in strengthening peace and stability in Asia.

The main objective of China's foreign policy is to protect national sovereignty and ensure economic security 14 . These goals are enshrined in the four principles of a new world order in the context of globalization, put forward by Chinese President Jiang Zemin during the China-Africa summit in Beijing in October 2000.

The first principle is that developing countries should develop South-South cooperation in order to maximize their own growth resources and meet the challenges of globalization. The second principle is to promote dialogue and improve North-South relations. At the same time, the Chinese leadership believes that improving well-being in poor countries is the concern of all, including developed countries. The third approach involves the participation of all countries in international affairs on the basis of equality and in a competitive spirit. The fourth principle encourages all countries to look to the future and establish long-term stable partnerships for equality and mutual benefit. 15

Accordingly, China always expresses the positions of developing countries in various international forums. It is obvious that at the moment, China's growing influence in the world is indisputable due to the growth of economic power.

The four principles of China's foreign policy outlined above have anti-American overtones, but they emphasize the need for peaceful cooperation and dialogue. These foreign policy guidelines were developed during Deng Xiaoping's lifetime. In general, China's foreign policy is characterized by continuity. The new generation of Chinese leadership's diplomacy implements the ideas put forward by the leaders of previous generations.

Architect of reform policies

Deng Xiaoping firmly advocated improving relations with Russia on the basis of full equality and rejection of ideological differences. In its relations with the United States, China, as Deng willed, should oppose hegemonic aspirations, seeking to break ties between Taiwan and the United States, rejecting their claims to protect the rights of the individual, because the sovereignty of the nation is higher than the rights of the individual .16

According to Deng Xiaoping ," the policy of allowing relations with the outside world is important, since it is impossible for any country to develop if it isolates itself or separates itself from other countries. It is also impossible to develop without establishing and developing international relations and without attracting advanced experience, advanced science and technology, and capital from developed countries."17 . Deng Xiaoping's ideas were approved by the 15th CCP Congress as the official ideology of building China for the long term.

Thus, as Russian expert Mikhail Margelov notes, China's foreign policy in the context of globalization is confirmed by practice: its accession to the WTO, active participation in the creation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) (with an emphasis on the anti-terrorist component of this organization), and China's activities within the framework of the Asia-Pacific Forum-

page 27


ocean Economic Cooperation 18 .

It is obvious that in the context of globalization, China considers the protection of state sovereignty to be the main priority of its foreign policy, it constantly opposes the violation of sovereignty under various pretexts, and actively participates in international cooperation.

Chinese politician and former Deputy director of the PLA Military Institute, Lieutenant General Mi Zhenyu, presented the national interests of the People's Republic of China in the XXI century in the form of a six-part formula: political security (protection of statehood, political system and political stability, nuclear security), military security (protection of sovereignty and territorial integrity, prevention of possible aggression or separatist activities), economic security (ensuring sustainable economic growth and promoting China's economic interests in the international arena), scientific security (ensuring the intensive development of science and technology, protecting China's international interests in this area), and cultural and social security 19 .

China's foreign policy doctrine is undergoing a period of transformation. At the 16th CPC National Congress (November 2002), Jiang Zemin described the modern world as "very turbulent", creating "severe and diverse challenges", such as "terrorism and new forms of hegemonism in politics". As usual, specific countries remained unnamed. Jiang Zemin spoke about border and territorial disputes, North-South contradictions ,and "local conflicts based on national and regional contradictions." 20

The documents of the 15th CPC Congress on foreign policy and the international situation state that " the world is at a transitional stage of history with great changes, different forces are separating and connecting again, the world is developing towards multipolarity, peacemaking and development are the two main themes."21 . Thus, multipolarity is the basis of China's foreign policy. That is, according to Beijing, the United States, China, Russia, Japan and Germany (the EU) are world centers. Of these five countries, only Russia and China do not belong to developed countries, while the United States, Germany and Japan solve global, regional and international problems by following Western rules.

Consequently, Russia and China face a global and regional security challenge. They face a dilemma: either join Western coalitions, abide by Western rules, but act to the detriment of their own national interests. Or they can create regional or global rules themselves in the name of respecting their national interests and preserving state security. This path inevitably leads to a contradiction with Western rules.

China has adjusted its policy in time, paying the most serious attention to relations with major countries, strengthening good-neighborly and friendly relations with neighboring countries, and giving priority to relations with third world countries. Changes in China's foreign policy do not create new threats to Russia's security, but on the contrary, as Russian expert V. V. Mikheev notes, they create additional opportunities for further involvement of the Russian Federation in regional and global multilateral cooperation in creating new security structures .22

-----

1 "South China Morning Post", 26 August, 1999.

Yan Chengxu. 2 Chinese diplomacy in a volatile and unstable international environment. Moscow Seminar on International Issues. Beijing. 2001. p. 35 (in Chinese).

Mikheev V. V. 3 Globalizatsiya i asiaticheskiy regionalizm - vyzvok dlya Rossii [Globalization and Asian Regionalism as a Challenge for Russia]. Moscow, 2001, p. 34.

Wang Hexing. 4 Perspectives on the Economic Globalization in Light of Asian Financial Turmoil. "International Studies". Beijing. 1998. N 8 - 9. P. 4.

Fan Gang, Qiunqiuhua. 5 "The problem of inequality in the process of globalization" / / Xinhua Wenzhai. 1997. p. 7 (in Chinese).

Chen Quansheng, Liu Jingua. 6 China and the world in the context of globalization. Beijing, 1999, No. 2, p. 24 (in Chinese).

7 Ibid., p. 23.

Skorodumov A.V. 8 Voprosy globalizatsii i polarnosti mira: podkhody i pozitsii Kitay, Rossii i SSHA [Issues of globalization and world polarity: approaches and positions of China, Russia and the USA].

9. Lutskiy A. G. 9 Russia and global Challenges to its security. Novaya Rossiya: natsional'nye interesy v global'nom kontekste [New Russia: National Interests in the global context]. Materialy Rossiiskoi mezhvuzovskoi nauchnoi konferentsii, Moscow, 2001, p. 40.

Wang I. 10 The process of multipolarization in the context of globalization. "Guoji wenti yanjiu", 2000. N 6. p. 6 (in Chinese).

Huang Fanzhang. 11 Nekotorye razmyshleniya ob ekonomicheskoi globalizatsii [Some Reflections on Economic globalization]. Beijing, 2000, No. 10, pp. 9-10 (in Chinese).

Skorodumov A.V. 12 Voprosy globalizatsii i polarnosti mira: podkhody i pozitsii Kitay, Rossii i SSHA [Issues of globalization and world polarity: approaches and positions of China, Russia and the USA].

Chen Zehua. 13 Strategy of Chinese Diplomacy in the XXI century. Beijing, 2000, p. 167 (in Chinese).

Sveshnikov A. A. 14 Problemy ekonomicheskoi globalizatsii v osveshchenii kitaiskoi politologii [Problems of economic globalization in the coverage of Chinese political science].

15 "Shanghai Daily". 11 October, 2000.

16 "People's Daily", 2000. 18.07 (in Chinese).

Xiang Feng. 17 Deng Xiaoping's ideology and new International relations. People's Daily, October 9, 1995, p. 5 (in Chinese).

Margelov M. V. 18 Russo-kitayskie otnosheniya: na vysshey tochke razvitiya [Russian-Chinese Relations: at the highest point of development]. Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn, Moscow, 2003, No. 9-10, p. 33.

Mi Zhenyu. 19 Analiz sovremennykh natsional'nykh interesov PRC [Analysis of modern National interests of the People's Republic of China]. Issledovanie mezhdunarodnykh voprosy, Peking, 1999, No. 3, pp. 7-8 (in Chinese).

20 http://www.china.org.cn/russian/50838.htm

21 Collection of documents of the 15th CPC Congress. Beijing, 1997. p. 43 (in Chinese), http://www.china.org.cn/russian/41986.htm 1997. 9.12-18.

Mikheev V. V. 22 Globalizing China / / "Asia and Africa today", Moscow, 2003. N 9. P. 9.


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