Libmonster ID: CN-1418

The article analyzes the flint that was widespread among the Turkic - and Mongol-speaking peoples of Siberia and Central Asia in the late Middle Ages and ethnographic time. The flint is decorated with a metal plate with a Chinese hieroglyphic inscription , which refers to traditional Chinese good wishes.: "May precious / noble sons be born continuously." This wish is a cultural universal associated with archetypal ideas about the connection of fire with the birth of a child.

Keywords: fire device, Siberia, China, Mongols, Middle Ages, archetype, birth of a child.

Introduction

In the late Middle Ages, the Turkic-and Mongol-speaking peoples of Siberia and Central Asia used a set of fire devices in the form of a steel plate that was attached to the bottom of a flat leather bag for flints and tinder. The front side of the bag, which is a lid with a hook inside, was decorated with overhead plaques with chased patterns and inserts of corals and semiprecious ornamental stones. Fire devices of this type were an important part of men's equipment, one of the elements of the triad-a belt, a knife, and a flintlock. According to I. I. Soktoeva, in the traditional culture of the Buryats, the knife and flint took the place of the silver-plated plates of the quiver and naluchnik, which were "the main accessory of the male hunter and warrior, the defender of the family and clan from all misfortunes" [1988, p. 89]. Ognivo - otyk among the Altaians [Altaiskiy natsional'nyj kosh', 1990, p. 12], otykh among the Khakas [Sunchugashev, 1979, p. 126], ottuk among the Tuvans [Vainshtein, 1974, p. 97], kyalyk among the Yakuts [Gurvich, 1977, p. 129], khet/khete among the Mongols and Buryats [Viktorova, 1987, p. 109; Babueva, 2004, p. 121] - from an object of everyday life, it has become an important and necessary accessory of a festive traditional costume.

In the XIX-XX centuries, flints were made by masters of artistic metalworking, whose creativity is associated with the formation of trends, schools and centers of decorative and applied arts in Mongolia, Siberia and Central Asia. Their products do not lend themselves well to typology due to the wide variety and richness of styles, aesthetic tastes and individual techniques in finishing details. However, the constant desire of jewelers to convey the elements of semantically rich ancient ornaments, which were dominated by zoomorphic, plant and geometric motifs [Soktoeva and Badmaeva, 1971, p.6-7; Kocheshkov, 1979, p. 28-29; Tumakhani, 1974, p. 61]. In the decoration of household fire appliances for their intended purpose, the figurative sign-code system, ele, was embodied.-

* The work was carried out within the framework of the project of the Federal Research Center " Scientific and scientific-pedagogical personnel of innovative Russia "(state contract 14.740.11.0766) and the RGNF project (N 19-01-00258a).

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These subjects can be considered to have the "highest semiotic status" (Baiburin, 1981, p. 216). In this regard, a flintlock with a rare decoration on a leather purse stored in the funds of the Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve is of interest.

Item Description

The flintlock is a steel, slightly curved massive plate, to which a purse-purse is attached. The bag has a handle in the form of a shaped bracket with limiters at the ends, fixed on a plate mount with a ring for a belt or chain, narrow ornamented plates along the edges and along the impact blade, as well as a shaped pad on the front side. The plates are decorated with paired stripes applied by the embossing method, and probably imitate the knobby bamboo shoots. The figure overlay is made in the form of a frame with repeating graphic elements that form a geometric pattern that follows a certain rhythm. This pattern in the Chinese art tradition vaguely resembles the intertwining roots of plants [Afonkin and Afonkina, 1998, p. 159-160]. The central part of the frame is filled with an openwork ornament made of thin shoots of plants that create a background, with hieroglyphs applied to it. The frame is made of rolled brass sheet; the entire ornament is cut and processed with abrasive tools. The composition is carefully thought out: its elements seem to flow into each other and create a feeling of airy lightness (plants) and dynamism (hieroglyphs) (Fig. 1).

On the back of the bag, a fragment of the paper label was preserved, and on the impact blade - the inventory number B-3954 applied in black ink (Fig. 2). The dimensions of the flint are 5.5×10.5×1.3 cm, material: steel (impact blade), brass (handle, ring, hinges, pad, clips), embossed leather (purse), wood (a small block of rectangular shape, fixed in the upper part of the impact blade). The degree of preservation is average, there are traces of corrosion on metal overlays and clips, breaks and dirt can be traced on the surface of the skin, and a fragment of the ornament is missing in the central part of the lining.

The date of receipt of the flint in the museum is unknown. According to the entry in the "Main Inventory Book", it was included in the funds under the number 1608, presumably in the 40s of the XX century. the flint was assigned a new number (B-3954) with a brief comment: "The purse is Chinese, covered with copper carving." This entry was taken from an earlier source.

A fragment of the label on the reverse side of the flint preserved elements of the inscription inscribed in an oval: the letters "y" and "ommis." and the Roman numeral XIV, written in blue pencil. In our opinion, the inscription is being restored as "Museum of the Scientific Archival Commission". In Brockhaus and Efron's dictionary, the word "commission "is written with two" m's " (Commissions, 1895, p.865). It can be assumed that this flint came to the fund before 1906, when the museum belonged to the provincial Statistical Committee. However, at that time, the main activities of the museum were the study of the region, the collection and display of local material, and the exhibits were selected accordingly [Popova, 1998; Barchenkova, 2005; Gorbunova, 2005].

1. A flintlock with a Chinese inscription from the collection of the Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve (front side).

2. A flintlock with a Chinese inscription from the collection of the Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve (reverse side).

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It is unlikely that then the number of receipts was included in the Central Asian origin of flint. Most likely, this happened from 1906 to 1917-1918, when along with the change in the status of the museum (it was located in the department of the Vladimir Scientific Archival Commission), its collections were significantly replenished and the subject of scientific research expanded. More precise information about the time and circumstances of the receipt of this flint in the funds of the Vladimir Museum has not yet been collected.

Translation and cultural attribution of the inscription

The inscription, inscribed in a carved floral ornament, consists of four hieroglyphs and is similar in shape to chengyu (lit. ready-made expression) - a four-part phrase characteristic of Chinese phraseology, built according to the norms of the ancient Chinese language. However, judging by the translation, the inscription belongs to a different type of cultural stereotypes. In terms of its meaning, function, and pronounced connection with allegorical images, it differs from chengyu, which combine historical and philosophical parables, legends and myths, winged words and aphorisms, proverbs, and borrowings from other languages [Wojciechowicz, 2007, p.18].

The inscription (lian sheng gui tzu) reads: "May precious / noble sons be born continuously." Its literal translation preserves figurative components that reflect the conceptual structures inherent in the Chinese language expression*. "Lian sheng gui tzu" is a traditional Chinese benevolence expressed to the bride and groom during a wedding celebration. It corresponded to the mentality of the medieval Chinese, whose religious syncretism was based on the practicality and pragmatism of rationalistic thinking, which expressed urgent requirements in the form of well-wishes.

The most important of the countless wishes in China were three many, many years, many sons, and a lot of wealth [Vasiliev, 2001, p. 423]. The birth of a son was an important event in the life of every Chinese family. Having a son was considered the goal of marriage and a great happiness; from the son, parents expected to receive support in old age. The Confucian idea of filial piety is reflected in various treatises and collections of instructive examples of selfless service of sons to their parents. Only the boy was destined to preserve the family's indissoluble connection with his ancestors [Sidikhmenov, 1987, p.141, 375-381]. The couple's lack of a son could bring misfortune not only to the family, but also to the neighbors. This explains the large number of wishes for the birth of a boy and the associated symbols of longevity, wealth, good harvest, happiness, tranquility and nobility.

The stable expression "lian sheng gui zi" appeared in the Tang Dynasty. The inscription of four hieroglyphs was applied to ceramic vessels that were made in state workshops. Later, in the form of New Year's allegorical images, it was embodied in nianhua splint paintings, which were popular until the beginning of the XX century, when the Western lithography technique appeared in China (Alekseev, 1966; Nianhua..., 2005). The general meaning of the expression "let precious / noble sons be born continuously" was conveyed through symbols whose names are homophonic to the basic hieroglyphs. Combinations of symbols conveyed in the form of separate objects made up the composition of the picture, a kind of rebus, which is almost impossible for the uninitiated to unravel.

One of the main symbolic images of nianhua was the image of a boy. "Lian" - means continuity and lotus flowers (symbol of fruitfulness, purity); "sheng" - to be born and a musical instrument played by children; " gui " - noble, noble and flowers of the cinnamon tree, symbolizing children;" zi " - son and seeds. Thus, the formula lian sheng gui tzu - "the lotus gives birth to precious seeds" - phonetically corresponds to the phrase "let precious / noble sons be continuously born" (Fig. 3) [Alekseev, 1966, p. 233, Fig. 8]. The formula I nan do tzu - " let there be wu men have many sons" [Vinogrodsky, 2003, p. 56].

The presence of a Chinese inscription on the flint suggests that it was made on the territory of modern China. It could have been Inner Mongolia, which became part of China under Abakhai Khan and is now inhabited by Mongols. Along its eastern part (from Kyakhta and Urga to Kalgan) there were caravan routes, which were especially actively used in the second half of the XIX century, when the Russian-Chinese " tea " trade developed [Obruchev, 1956, p. 32]. Together with tea, products of local craftsmen, which were popular in Transbaikalia and the Minusinsk Region, may also have come to Russia.

* The authors of the article express their sincere gratitude to Candidate of Historical Sciences S. A. Komissarov, Liao Dongmei (Department of Oriental Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Novosibirsk State University) and Yu Su-Hua (Department of Chinese at the Institute of Practical Oriental Studies (Moscow)) for your help in translating the inscription and advice.

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It cannot be ruled out that the master who made the flint and the first owner of this fire device were familiar with Chinese culture and language. About the Chakhar princes of Inner Mongolia, who were dependent on the Qing court, but retained their class privileges, A.M. Pozdneev wrote as follows: "Having grown up in a Chinese environment, constantly hearing Chinese and receiving education under the guidance of a Chinese teacher, the Chakhar aristocrats, of course, learn a lot of Chinese; but most of them do not bow to the Chinese language. Sinism blindly chooses from it only the really best" (cit. by: [Kafarov, 1892, p. 146]). The "really best" obviously included what did not contradict the culture of nomadic peoples, but corresponded to their religious ideas, worldview, moral and moral values.

Mongolian blacksmiths, whose dynasties numbered up to eight generations, made traditional items for nomadic life according to a certain technological standard [Chernykh, 2007, p. 30, Fig. 2, 2]. But since the second half of the 19th century, their products could no longer compete with Russian and Chinese goods. As noted by D. Carruthers, who traveled to Tuva and Mongolia in 1910, the knife on the belt of a soyote could be Russian, flint and flint are Mongolian, and the pipe is Chinese [1914, p. 232]. Moreover, Chinese borrowings were traced on all three elements of men's equipment. According to the observations of G. E. Grum-Grzhimailo, instead of a leather belt with silver or copper buckles and ornaments, the residents of Halki began to wear a cloth belt, behind which "they usually carry a Chinese knife in a scabbard and a flint is suspended from it. This flint device is also an object of panache, and is sometimes set in gold and silver among the rich. It is attached by a chain to a copper badge, which in turn is equipped with a chain that once connected it to one of the straps of a leather sash; now the badge is simply plugged into a cloth belt " [1926, p. 320, 321]. Chinese bone chopsticks, which were attached to scabbards, also gained popularity [Vyatkina, 1960, p. 194; Viktorova, 1987, p. 109].

In this context, it is also important that the sacred meaning of the Chinese benevolent inscription coincides with the semantics of flint, which reflects the archetypal core of the ideas of the peoples of Eurasia about the nature of fire. The form, material, artistic design of flints and the associated semantic content is an independent area of research that requires special understanding. Propp noted that in flint, "the magical powers inherent in things" are particularly pronounced and strong. Flint and iron lash replaced the more ancient forms of wooden flints, which were used to produce fire by friction, as well as to summon spirits and magic assistants [1986, pp. 195-196]. The symbols depicted on the flints were designed to protect against disasters. In the second half of the 9th-10th centuries, among the peoples of Northern and Eastern Europe, miniature pendants that copied the shape of iron caliphoid mirrors performed a magical protective function, and zoomorphic images on the handles of bimetallic flints played the role of amulets and were associated with totemistic ideas [Golubeva, 1964; Golubeva and Varenov, 1993, pp. 105-106; Korzukhina, 1977; Krylasova, 2004, 2007].

In the traditional culture, fire appliances, in our opinion, were also endowed with a productive function, which was expressed in a universal archetype. In the semantic chain of representations fire / hearth/ furnace-birth of a child, the fire device can be placed at the beginning of it. The archetypal nature of these ideas is determined by the fact that all peoples have passed through the stage of opening fire and all have formed close and stable semantic images [Bashlyar, 1993, p. 41-42]. In the Vedic version of the Indo-European tradition, Agni is the son of two pieces of wood - upper and lower, in the Roman version - "miracle from the middle

3. Chinese benevolence of Lian sheng gui tzu (from [Alekseev, 1966, fig. 8]).

page 93
hearth" in the palace of the Alban king Tarhetius, thanks to which the slave of the king gave birth to the founder of Rome. Similarly, the conception of Caeculus, the founder of the city of Praeneste, took place from the spark of the hearth [Plutarch, 1987, p.55]. Among the Slavic peoples, the productive function of fire was expressed in the belief that in the spring the fire "scatters boys", i.e. produces children [Zelenin, 1991, p. 425]. The idea of the productive function of the fire/hearth was particularly clear in wedding customs. Kupala jumping over the bonfire, as well as the joint kindling of a fire by a young couple, preceded the conclusion of a marriage alliance. These rituals are semantically combined with the folk motif of birth from the stove, which V. Propp associated with the cult of ancestors and forms of burial under the hearth [1976, p.223]. The stove and hearth were considered the child's home patron. Among the Turkic peoples, it was customary to turn to fire as a family-generic guardian with a request to grant childbearing. The hearth, whose patroness was Umai, was represented as a place that preserves and bestows the vital principle, the soul of children and animals [Dyrenkova, 1927; Korunovskaya, 1927, p. 27; Stebeleva, 1972; Potapov, 1991, p. 101, 286]. The Yakuts have a well-known saying: "The spirit of fire rejoices when the owners have many children", and the archetypal image of a child "living on the hearth" is realized in folklore texts [Semenova, 1998]. Describing the customs of the Mongols of Ordos, G. N. Potanin noted: "Two bonfires are laid out in front of the groom's house; this is called suryuk. The groom waits for the bride behind the lights; the bride approaches the lights and stops, the groom holds out the whip to her and pulls her to him, as if dragging her over the threshold" [1950, p. 136]. This protective and purifying rite is also associated with the birth of a child. Typologically, it is similar to the Chinese wedding custom: the bride entering her husband's house had to step over a bowl of burning charcoal or a red-hot plowshare. It was placed on the doorstep by two women with their husbands alive and their children healthy [Encyclopedia..., 1996, p. 255]. If the couple did not have children for a long time, the rite of fire worship was held. According to the belief of the Buryats, after making a sacrifice to the fire, a child was born, and the embers that bounced off the fire were the personification of the life force of children. Childless parents "treated" the fire with oil: "Sons of fire, eat, drink" and asked the "Great Fire of the hearth" to send down children. The couple stood around the campfire in their holiday clothes. It was considered a good omen if embers fell on their clothes while praying to the fire: how many embers fell, so many children will be [Galdanova, 1987, pp. 43-44, 47]. According to the Yakuts, to dream of a knife or flint-to the birth of a boy, scissors or a needle - to the birth of a girl [Popov, 1949, p. 296].

Conclusion

Fire appliances are one of the links in the semantic chain of archetypal ideas about the connection of fire with the birth of a child. In our opinion, the Chinese wish "may precious/noble sons be born continuously" written on a flint is a cultural universal that has phraseological and semantic plasticity, which allows different symbols to manifest themselves in different ways. Causality suggests that every time a spark is struck with a flint, a boy is born. Moreover, the sex of the child is determined by the very belonging of the flint to the male world of things. The content of this interpretation is close to the Mansi saying about the Khatanev family: "one spark will continue the family" (from the spark of the family code, a man will be born, his successor). [Stories-fairy tales..., 2001, p. 11]. Within the framework of the archaic mentality, the semantic content of the considered universal changes under the influence of cultural transformations and social practice, but this is a topic for a separate study.

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