In the third quarter-the end of the XIX century. The first Chinese students were sent to Europe to study international best practices. An integral part of the Qing educational policy in this area was their training in leading Russian educational institutions, where they learned the Russian language and various specialties for the reforms carried out in the Qing Empire at that time. The Qing authorities paid great attention to the training of their specialists in Russia, ensuring a high interest among the population to receive Russian education not only in the Chinese provinces bordering Russia, but also in the southern regions of the empire. Thanks to their high level of training, Chinese graduates of Russian universities have made a significant contribution to the development of Russian-Chinese relations and have established a rich tradition of training Chinese Russian specialists in our country.

Keywords: European education, Russian-Chinese cultural relations, Chinese students in Russia, Chinese Russian studies, St. Petersburg Teachers ' Institute.

ORIGIN OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION IN CHINA DURING THE QING DYNASTY AND THE FIRST CHINESE STUDENTS IN RUSSIA DURING THE LATE NINETEENTH - EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY: THE CASE OF SAINT-PETERSBURG TEACHER'S COLLEGE

Pavel LAPIN

In the third quarter - late 19th century the first Chinese students were sent to Europe in order to study advanced international experience. One of the aspects of Qing educational policy in this direction was their training at leading Russian educational institutions, where they studied Russian and various specialties for the benefit of the reforms implemented in China at the time.

Qing authorities paid a lot of attention to specialist training in Russia, generating great interest in getting Russian education not only among the population of the Chinese provinces bordering with Russia, but also among southern regions of the Empire. Thanks to the high level of training Chinese graduates from Russian colleges made significant contributions into development of Russian-Chinese ties and set up a big tradition of training specialists in Russian philology in our country.

Keywords: European education, Russian-Chinese cultural ties, Chinese students in Russia, Chinese specialist in Russian philology, Saint-Petersburg Teacher's College.

Pavel A. LAPIN-Candidate of Historical Sciences, First Secretary of the First Asia Department of the Russian Foreign Ministry, waijiao2000@mail.ru.

Pavel LAPIN - PhD in History, first Secretary, First Asian Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, waijiao2000@mail.ru.

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TO ASK A QUESTION: NEW ERA, NEW IDEAS

The sending of Chinese students abroad in the later years of the Qing Empire was an important outcome of the pro-Western reforms carried out in the latter half of the 19th century. Strengthening educational contacts with leading foreign educational centers was elevated to the rank of state policy and was considered an important condition for successful borrowing of international best practices.

The deep political and economic crisis that China was plunged into in the second half of the 19th century showed the complete failure of the traditional system of state administration. The Empire, previously considered the default leader of inter-State contacts for most of its history, was briefly reduced to the status of a semi-colony as a result of unequal treaties concluded with Western powers. Moreover, it was defeated by those who were previously considered "tributaries" of the Middle Kingdom, from whom it received embassies as a sign of "sincerity to its true suzerain - the Chinese monarch" [Martynov, 1978, pp. 31-32, 37].

Seeing the obvious advantages of the Western model of governance, the progressive part of the Chinese bureaucracy began to think about revising the foundations of Chinese foreign policy and carrying out domestic transformations. After all, "the defeat in wars was not terrible, the terrible thing would be that after these defeats their causes would remain incomprehensible, and this could become a huge tragedy of the nation" [Lu Ying, 2013, p. 109]. In the 1860s, a movement to Assimilate overseas affairs was born in China Li Hongzhang (1823-1901), Zeng Guofan (1811-1872), and Zuo Zongtang (1821-1885) were the leaders of the progressive bureaucracy and generals (Wang Xiaodan, 2012, p.11). The thinker Zhang Zhidong (1837-1909) in the 1880s, combining disparate ideas, formulated the main theoretical thesis of the reforms - "Chinese teaching is basic, Western science is applied" () [Wang Fanzhao, 1994, p. 248-251; Li Liangyu, 1988, p. 74; Li Jianyuan, Yang Le, 2006, p. 9]1.

In the second half of the 1880s, the Movement to Assimilate Overseas Affairs was criticized for its liberal approach. The formation of a new reform movement began, inspired by the Shenshi scribes Kang Yuwei (1858-1927) and Liang Qichao (1873-1929), who became close to the young and energetic Guangxu Emperor. Reform efforts culminated in the "Hundred Days of Reform" (1898).2. But these changes seemed too radical and, having caused discontent among the conservative part of the Chinese political elite led by the Dowager Empress Cixi, were forcibly curtailed.

Despite the stalling of reforms, the trend towards the renewal of the state and society could no longer be stopped. Civil and military enterprises of a new type were created everywhere, scientific societies and associations were established [Pan Jiade, 1991, p. 79; Zhongguo jiaoyu shi yanjiu, 2009, p.80-83]. At the same time, the emphasis was placed on the modernization of the traditional education system, which is the main reason for the development of the system.-

1 It was recognized that Chinese science occupies an indisputably leading position, while European scientific knowledge plays a supporting role, performing only applied functions. In this regard, it was considered appropriate only to borrow advanced foreign military-technical, engineering and industrial experience while preserving the basic aspects of Chinese traditional science. The study of foreign languages was carried out only for utilitarian purposes, for acquaintance with foreign scientific literature and contacts with foreign officials and scientists [Samoilov, 1989, p. 120; Feng Guifen, 2002, p. 1-3; Chen Xuexun, 1983, p.15-19].

2 During the" Hundred Days of Reforms " (June 11, September 21, 1898), the Guangxu Emperor issued 120 decrees aimed at transforming various spheres of state life, 40 of them related to reforms in the field of culture and education [Zhongguo jiaoyu shi yanjiu, 2009, p.91].

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It was an important condition for the successful borrowing of European scientific knowledge, which was the basis of European technological progress. In the period from 1862 to 1894, 37 new-style educational institutions were opened in the empire, where training was conducted in military, shipbuilding, medical, and mining engineering specialties [Biggerstaff, 1961, p. 31; Li Jianyuan and Yang Le, 2006, p. 10; Sun Chunzhi, 1996, p. 91-92; Zhao Pugen, 1999, p. 4]. Seven of them taught languages: English, French, Russian, German, and Japanese-the languages of those states with which the Empire maintained close contacts [Zhao Pugen, 1999, pp. 94-95] .3 Foreign language schools became the main suppliers of translated literature on European technical achievements and scientific knowledge: only the Beijing Tongwenguan published 29 translations of foreign scientific works in the period from 1862 to 1898 [Zou Zhenhuan, 1989, p. 83]4. Information about the achievements of foreign countries was also drawn from foreign periodicals: the governors of coastal provinces where foreigners published their own newspapers were ordered to organize monthly sending to Beijing of translations of noteworthy materials taken from these publications [Chouban Yiwu shimo, 1979, c. 72, p. 2693].

The new education, which was distinguished by its practicality, began to enjoy great popularity among the new intelligentsia and gradually replaced the traditional Confucian education of scribes, aimed at interpreting the canonical works of antiquity in the interests of preparing applicants for passing the state examinations for obtaining an academic degree (keju). "In new schools, the study of Western sciences occupied approximately 80-90% of the school time, which was a major blow to the old education" [Zhao Pugen, 1999, p. 95]. In 1905, the Qing Court decided to abolish the old attestation system due to its loss of relevance, 5 establishing the Department of Education in the same year (). This was a progressive step and " was undoubtedly of great importance in the context of developing new education and promoting the study of Western sciences, including foreign languages "[Li Liangyu, 1988, p. 74]6.

This was the era of reforms in the Chinese Empire in the second half of the XIX century. "The activities of this period were essential for the development of certain industries, left a great imprint on the socio-economic and political life of the country, to a certain extent influenced the emergence of new trends in the socio-political thought of China", contributed to the renewal of the existing education system [Samoilov, 1989, p. 115].

3 After the opening of the Tongwenguan Beijing School of Foreign Languages in 1862 (), the Shanghai School of Foreign Languages (1863,), the Guangdong School of Foreign Languages (1864,), the Xinjiang School of Russian (1887,), the Taiwan School of Western Sciences (1887, ), the Hunchun School of Russian (1889,) and Hubei School of "Self-Reinforcement" (1893,) [Gao Xiaofang, 2007, p. 229]. In 1895, these schools had a total of 2,980 students and 127 foreign teachers (Gu Weixin, 2004, pp. 144-145).

4 Books on natural sciences and humanities were translated, including works on jurisprudence (for example," Elements of International Law " by Henry Weyton, English Elements of International Law , kit., 1864), astronomy ("Astronomical Almanac", English Astronomical Almanac , kit., 1877, 1878, 1879), physics Mathematics and chemistry ("Mathematical Physics", English;" Chemistry", English Advanced Chemistry, Chinese), medicine, economics, linguistics. Translations were made from English, German, Russian and French. For more information, see, for example: [Zuo Zhenhua. 1989, pp. 82-86, Gu Weixin, 2004, pp. 309-313].

5 For more information on the reorganization of the Keju exam system, see: [Liu Haifeng. 2002, pp. 180-188; Wang Fanzhao, 1994, pp. 271-272; Zhongguo jiaoyu shi yanjiu, 2009, pp. 103-110].

6 The results of the reform were not long in coming: if in 1904, a year before the abolition of Keju, there were 4,222 new-style educational institutions in the empire, then the next year after the reform (1906), their number reached 19,830 [Zhongguo Jiaoyu shi yanjiu, 2009, p.109].

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SECONDMENT OF CHINESE STUDENTS TO RUSSIA AS AN ELEMENT OF THE QING EDUCATIONAL POLICY IN EUROPE

The history of educational reforms in China at the end of the 19th century would be incomplete without taking into account one important factor that made the process of borrowing international best practices more successful - the sending of Chinese students to study abroad. This element of Chinese foreign policy was a clear indication of the fundamental changes in the traditional foreign policy doctrine of the Middle Empire "China-barbarians", in which the traditional intermediary between the two cultures was not a Chinese who learned foreign languages and culture of a foreign country, but a" barbarian " who joined Chinese values.

The secondment of Chinese students to Russia in the later years of the Qing Dynasty was carried out as part of the policy of developing the international education of the Chinese Empire in the European direction. Russia occupied one of the leading positions in Chinese foreign policy and, in strategic terms, was probably no less significant than other Western states. Russia became the first European state with which the Qing Empire concluded an international agreement (the Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689). Russians were subsequently allowed to have a permanent spiritual mission in Beijing at the legislative level (under the terms of the Kyakhta Treaty of 1727) and to send Russian students to the Chinese capital to study (the English embassies of Lord J. R. R. Tolkien). Macartney (1792-1793) and Lord W. P. Amherst (1816), who made the same request, were refused. It was Russian that became the first European language to be officially taught at the Chinese court as early as 1708 in the Kangxi Emperor's Russian Language School at the Palace Chancellery (), while the official teaching of English, French and German in Beijing began only in 1862-1863., after opening there Tongwengguan. In other words, Russia was important to the Chinese Empire, and its scientific and technical potential, cultural and educational ideas, as well as military and trade and economic opportunities were interesting and worth borrowing in the interests of the reforms carried out in China.

When sending Chinese students in Russia Beijing administrators used the wealth of experience acquired in the course of sending in 1872-1875 gg teenagers in the United States7 and 1870-1880-ies in Europe (primarily in "France, where there are many different military-industrial production in Britain, where people were the best training of seafarers" and in Germany "for the training of ground troops," [Liu Jilin, 2010, p. 132])8.

The first ideas about sending Chinese students to Russia through the official line to study the Russian language were voiced at the Chinese court in the first half of the XVIII century. In 1735, fudutun (deputy chief) of the Mongolian "blue banner with a border" Toerji submitted a report to the emperor, in which, pointing out the friendly relations between Russia and China, he proposed "to select four of the most capable teenagers from the Russian School (the School of the Russian Language at the Palace Chancellery) and send them along with the Russian envoy (), who arrived in China or Russia this year to study Russian for a period of three years; after the specified time, they must return back. In this case, the translations of letters sent from Russia will not be so erroneous" [Yongzheng chao manwen zhupi tsouzhe quanyi, 1998, p. 2492]. This initiative, apparently, did not have any results: at least, the documents do not contain any information about the students ' trip to Russia.

7 For more information, see: [Rong Hong, 1981, p. 86; Li Guojun, Wang Fanzhao. 2000. p. 165: Zhang Xinglan, 2000, p. 42; Qian Gang, Hu Jingcao. 2006, p. 65].

8 For more information, see: [Biggerstaff, 1961, pp. 200-252; Liu Jilin, 2010, pp. 149-150; Fan Baichuan, 2003, pp. 658-659, 667; Zhongguo jindai jiaoyu shi jiaoxue cankao zilao, 1986, pp. 151-152].

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The Chinese authorities returned to this issue again only in the 1860s. Then the Qing sent several diplomatic missions to Europe and America, which included students and graduates of the Russian department of the Beijing Tongwenguan School of Foreign Languages, who served as interpreters at negotiations and meetings. 9 According to the plans of the Beijing administrators, future diplomats were to " diligently study foreign languages (in the case of Russia, Russian) under the guidance of the head of the delegation. - P. L.), expand their knowledge of regional studies, master diplomatic protocol and ceremonial, and delve into the issues of China's relations with foreign countries " [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, p. 189]. It was almost impossible to perform these training tasks efficiently in the context of everyday negotiations.10
Realizing that this form of training does not meet the requirements of training highly qualified specialists in 1896 Qing court decided to send for a period of three years in Britain, France, Russia and Germany with the matriculation were there Chinese embassies four student Tunjangan to study the local language and a number of cross-cultural studies [brown Choi, 1985, p. 147; Zhu Usani, 1983, p. 51-52].

Taking into account the new order, in the summer of the same year, the first four students of the above-mentioned School, Shao Hengjun (), Gui Fan (), Chen Jiaju () and Li Hongmo (), went from China to St. Petersburg(see below for their studies in Russia) [GB PRC, ZDA, 1896, l.39].The practice of seconding Tongwenguan students to the embassy was a notable advance in the organization of international education, and "although there were not many such students (only 16. - P. L.), this was a clear turn in the Qing administration's work towards refusing to send Chinese students abroad solely to study military sciences," with the aim of which In the 1870s and 1880s, they were sent to Europe (Dong Shouyi, 1985, p. 147).

The deeper involvement of China in modern world relations at the beginning of the 20th century required a change in the policy of international education, including in the Russian direction. In 1898, a decree of the Guangxu Emperor followed , in which the Department for All States (Chinese:, abbreviated -, founded in 1861, disbanded in 1901) was ordered to expand the list of specialties for training specialists abroad. It was suggested that the study of agriculture, engineering, commerce, and mining should be added to military sciences and foreign languages (Zheng Shichang and Li Yaxi, 2001, pp. 19-20). In 1900 and 1902, the court twice gave instructions to military governors to conduct local work on finding reliable applicants to be sent abroad, in particular to Russia, to study [Xie Zhangfa, 2006, pp. 73-74], allocating additional funding for these needs 11.

The initiatives of the Beijing administrators were most welcome. Russian education was able to meet the needs of Chinese organizers of international educational activities, because "at the beginning of the XX century. The spirit of freedom and diversity of scientific life that existed in Russian universities were comparable to the atmosphere of Western higher education institutions, and the level of teaching in military subjects was comparable to that of Western universities.,

9 See: [Voskresensky, 1995, p. 128, 136; Zhang Deyi, 1981 (1), p. 25; Zhang Deyi, 1986, p. 640; Zheng Shichang, Li Yasi, 2001, p. 7. 10-11].

10 Travel notes compiled by students during their trips were more useful for Chinese diplomats [Voskresensky, 2003, p. 47-79; Zeng Jijie, 1985, p. 356-358; Zhang Deyi, 1981 (2), p.106-117; Zhang Deyi, 1986, p. 749].

11 The activities carried out have significantly increased the interest in studying abroad among progressive youth. In 1900-1910 alone, 1,001 Chinese citizens were sent to Europe for educational purposes at state expense through various educational institutions, scientific societies, and industrial associations. Training was conducted in Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Russia, Austria, and Switzerland [Liu Jilin, 2010, p. 286].

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technical, agricultural, mining and other specialties were among the highest in the world " [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, p. 191].

A new age of international education has arrived in China. Very quickly, groups of Chinese students began to be organized to be sent to study in Russia. In 1899. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of all States sent four more graduates of the Beijing School of Foreign Languages, Zhang Qingtong (), Fu Yangxian (), Chen Han (), and Hao Shuji (), to St. Petersburg to replace the four students who had been sent earlier(Zhu Youxian, 1983, p. 52; Zheng Shichang and Li Yaxi, 2001, p. 20] (see below for details). In 1905, two students of the translation department at Peking University, Bo Shan () and Wei Bo (), were sent to the Imperial Saint Petersburg University to study law and political sciences(Zheng Shichang and Li Yaxi, 2001, p.21).

Following the central authorities, regional leaders also launched activities to send students to Russia. In 1905, he was appointed military governor of the Huguang Region. Hubei and Hunan), the Manchu Duanfang (1861-1911), who especially advocated the modernization of national education, sent to St. Petersburg the first students of the new Hubei schools-Xiao Huanle (), Yan Shichao (), Xia Weisong () and Liu Wenbin () [Liu Jilin, 2010, p. 284]. In 1906, the military governor of the Heilongjiang province bordering Russia, Cheng Dequan (1860-1930), made a similar request to the emperor. His request was granted, and in 1906-1907, ten students went to St. Petersburg to study geological exploration, mineralogy, physics and chemistry, law and politics, commerce, military affairs and other specialties [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, pp. 191-192]. In 1907, a representative of another province bordering Russia, Jilin, a graduate of the Russian department of Tongwenguan, Li Yuan, was sent to Russia (Zheng Shichang and Li Yaxi, 2001, p. 21). Following the north-eastern provinces of China, the leaders of other Qing border regions, such as Xinjiang, also joined the work of sending students to Russia (Ibolaxin Neizi, 1986, p. 81; Liu Zhenyu, 2013, p. 194).

In addition to students sent to St. Petersburg through the state line at the expense of the central budget or local allocations, young people from well-off families began to leave for Russia to receive education there at their own expense [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, pp. 195-199; Jindai shi zilao, 1997, pp. 122-123; Jindai shi zilao, 1998, p. 51]. Moreover, some of them later became state fellows for their special academic achievements [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, p. 192; Jindai shi zilao, 1998, p.48-49].

A total of 56 Chinese students went to the Russian State for educational purposes in the period from 1896 to 1911, 32 of whom were trained at the expense of central or provincial administrative institutions and educational institutions, and 24 people-at their own expense (three of them became state scholarship holders in their second year of study). The vast majority of those sent (25 people) were provincial representatives (most of them from the provinces of Heilongjiang, Xinjiang and Hubei). Almost all of the first students were trained in St. Petersburg (with the exception of those who were sent from Xinjiang - they studied in Kazan). In addition to Russian, they studied various specialties - engineering (railway, port, bridge and road construction, geological exploration, mining and mining), chemical and physical, electromechanical specialties, commerce, law and politics 12.

12 For more information about students sent to Russia, see, for example: [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, pp. 192-193, 199; Jindai shi zilao, 1997, pp. 122-123, 163; Jindai shi zilao, 1998, pp. 32, 36, 51; Zhang Zeyu, 2004, pp. 200-202; Zhongguo ren liuxue shi, 2013, pp. 171-172, 175, 178; Zhongguo jindai xuezhi shilao, 1983, pp. 52, 144; Zhongguo jindai jiaoyu shi zilao huibian, 2007, pp. 289, 295-298; Zheng Shichang, Li Yasi, 2001, pp. 19-22].

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Initially, the status of seconded students was not determined, and the Chamber of External Affairs (cit.: , formed in 1901 on the basis of the Department for All States ' Affairs) proposed to send the most capable students of language schools to Russia. In 1902, the requirements for the selection of applicants for sending abroad were clarified: the age limit was for those who did not speak a foreign language from 14 to 15 years and for those who did speak it - from 16 to 20 years. Applicants to study abroad must have had a basic education (Zheng Shichang and Li Yaxi, 2001, pp. 25-26) .13
The increase in the number of students sent to Russia required a developed legal framework that effectively ensured this process. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Chinese capital began to adopt guidance documents that clarified various aspects of this work14. Initially, the Chinese Embassy in St. Petersburg was responsible for overseeing Chinese students in Russia (Zheng Shichang and Li Yaxi, 2001, pp. 31-32). The Chinese envoy Hu Weide (serving in Russia in 1902-1907) was particularly successful in this regard, and along with general coordination of students ' stay in the Russian capital, he did everything possible to facilitate their study of the Russian language, in particular, obliging everyone to prepare translations from Russian newspapers twice a month for sending to Beijing [Jindai shi Zilao, 1998, p. 36].

In 1907, "in order to manage all Chinese students studying in Europe", the post of inspector of Chinese students in Europe was established with a residence in Belgium [Brunnert, Gagelstrom, 1910, p. 231]. Kuai Guandian (1857-1910), a progressive and supporter of modernization, member of the Hanlin Academy, and curator of teaching Western sciences in schools in Hubei and Hunan provinces, was appointed the first curator of Chinese students (Zhang Zeyu, 2004, p. 199). After his appointment, the bailiff began to regularly send reports to the Ministry of Education on improving the system of teaching Chinese people in Europe and, in particular, in Russia. The official's reports served as an important practical material for improving the existing legal framework.

Within a short time after the introduction of this position, it became clear that it was impossible to effectively regulate the educational activities of Chinese students from one point in Europe, the number of which increased every year, and in 1909 " five inspectors were appointed to work with them, with locations in England, France, Germany, Russia and Belgium and with subordination to the Chinese envoys in London, Paris, Berlin, St. Petersburg, and Brussels "[Brunnert and Gagelstrom, 1910, p. 231].

Zhang Zushen (1879-1925), a member of the Hanlin Academy, was also sent to Russia, and was given 7,600 liang of silver each year to organize the work [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, p. 202]. The very next year (1910), he sent a detailed report to the Ministry of Education describing the education system that existed in Russia at that time, describing a number of basic educational institutions, including the rules for enrolling in them, the duration and cost of training, and the certification system [Zhongguo Jindai jiaoyu shi Zilao Huibian, 2007, pp. 291-299].

The issues of financing the educational activities of young Chinese citizens in Russia were solved centrally and very successfully. The first students who traveled to the Russian State as part of Chinese diplomatic missions were paid the following amount:-

13 Not the least role in the formation of groups of Chinese students studying abroad was played by the reform to abolish the old Keju certification system in 1905, which resulted in many young Chinese citizens who wanted to get a good education abroad [Xinhai Shou and Huiyi lu, 1979, p. 2]. So, if in 1903 approximately 1,300 Chinese students went to Japan to study, then in 1905-1906 there were already 8,000 of them [Zhongguo jiaoyu shi yanjiu, 2009, p. 110].

14 For more information, see, for example: [Guanli ouzhou youxuesheng jiandu chu zhangcheng, 1910, pp. 41-44; Li Liangyu, 1988, pp. 65-66; Xie Zhangfa, 2006, pp. 75, 79-80].

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They received a monthly stipend of 100 liang silver 15. On the eve of sending the first official students to Russia in 1896, the "Regulation on payments to students sent abroad" was adopted (). Before leaving, a student received 150 liang of silver as a lifting fee, in Russia he was given 50 liang of silver monthly in the form of a scholarship, funds for training were paid by the Chinese embassy, students were sent to Russia from port in Tianjin (on second-class tickets; the ticket was purchased at the expense of Sea Customs), the purchase of stationery and educational literature was attributed to the embassy [GB PRC, ZDA, 1896, l. 39b; Zhongguo jindai xuezhi shiliao, 1983, p. 52, 144]. In 1906, the educational department adopted the "Instruction on the amount of payments to business travelers outside Beijing to Europe and America" (), according to which the scholarship for students who arrived in Russia began to be calculated in rubles and amounted to 135 rubles per month, and for those who first studied at preparatory courses - 108 rubles [Dai qing fagui daquan, 1972, p. 1592]. Adopted in 1910. The" Charter for the management of students sent to study in Europe " () defined the duration of their stay there-from three to seven years 16-and the amount of monetary payments 17. Now, before leaving for Russia, a student received 300 yuan in silver in the form of lifting fees, 500 yuan for travel expenses to the place of study, the same amount for travel expenses when returning, the monthly stipend remained the same - 135 rubles [Zhongguo ren liuxue shi, 2013, p.180].

In comparison with the amount of funding for other areas of international education, the costs of training specialists in Russia were very insignificant, 18 although they were also revised downwards in 1916 [Zheng Shichang and Li Yaxi, 2001, p.34].

Thus, taking into account the need to study international best practices in the interests of developing reforms in the Qing Empire, the Chinese authorities quickly developed a program for sending Chinese students to Russia during the first ten years of the 20th century, contributing to the development of China's international educational policy in the European direction.

ST. PETERSBURG TEACHERS ' INSTITUTE AS THE FIRST RUSSIAN EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION TO ACCEPT CHINESE STUDENTS

Almost all the first Chinese students were sent to study in the Russian capital - St. Petersburg, which was considered natural at the time. There were not so many students, and the Chinese consular service in Russia was not so developed as to provide effective supervision (even in large cities) of students, many of whom were state scholarship holders, and, receiving funds according to the established rules, reported on the results of their studies to the Chinese inspector.

15 This was quite a large amount of money. The annual income of a student who was part of the embassy was thus 1200 liang per year, which is 12.5 times higher than the income of a Chinese teacher of the Russian language Tongwenguan [Zheng Shichang. Li Yasi, 2001, p. 29].

16 If the seven-year term was exceeded, the student lost the status of a state scholarship holder. This rule was not applied if the student moved to a new academic level.

17 In order to encourage students to study at their own expense, this document provided for partial compensation of their tuition costs if the applicant received knowledge in priority areas such as agriculture, engineering, mathematics, medicine.

18 For example: in 1910, 16,915 liang was allocated for the education of state students in Britain, 14,427 liang in France, and 4,512 liang in Germany. Belgium - 3,823 liang, and in Russia only-2,076 liang. Despite the fact that 113 state fellows were sent to Britain in the 10 years since 1900, and only 32 were sent to Russia, the cost of training specialists in England per person significantly exceeded the corresponding costs allocated for training specialists in Russia, and this despite the fact that the Chinese Embassy in St. Petersburg repeatedly reported in Beijing on high prices for education and accommodation in Russia [Zhang Yaqun, 2000, p. 75]. This circumstance demonstrates the priorities of the Chinese education policy in Europe.

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One of these educational institutions that received the first batch of Chinese state students was the St. Petersburg Teachers ' Institute. It was opened by "the highest order" in October 1872 "for the purpose of educating teachers for city schools "[TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d.20, l. 1]19. According to the results of examinations, 24 people were enrolled in the first year [Thirtieth Anniversary..., 1903, p.1]20 "very diverse training, as a result of which additional lessons were established for the weakest" [Celebration..., 1898, p. 3].

The institute was managed by the director, the staff of teachers was small [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 143, l. 2; Celebration..., 1898, p. 12]. The educational institution had a fundamental library 21, a physical office and workshops. It was widely known in secular educational and cultural circles: students regularly participated in city cultural and educational events, prepared various materials about the institute's work for exposure at foreign exhibitions [Thirtieth Anniversary ..., 1903, pp. 16-17; TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 692, l. 8-67; d. 917, l. 1,5-5ob.].

In 1878, the Minister of Public Education gr. D. A. Tolstoy approved the program of the institute course. The age of applicants was 16-28 years, as a rule, they were graduates of teachers ' seminaries and teachers of public schools [Celebration ..., 1898, p. 11]. Russian language, arithmetic and elementary algebra, geometry, physics, history, geography, German, music, drawing and drawing, manual labor, and church subjects were taught. In 1901, the program was significantly expanded to 29 academic disciplines [Thirtieth Anniversary..., 1903, p. 19-20; TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 47, l. 1ob. - 24ob.]. Students studied from nine in the morning to three in the afternoon, after which they gave "practical lessons in the classroom". city school" [Thirtieth anniversary..., 1903, p. 33]. The course of study consisted of three years, during which students" without entertainment, working hard, storing up knowledge", prepared "themselves for the difficult activity of a teacher" [Celebration..., 1898, p. 13]. At the end of the educational institution, graduates received certificates and, taking into account the existing rules, served "at least 6 years as a teacher of a city school "[Teachers ' Institutes..., 1902, p. 121]. The Institute was disbanded in 1917 [Teacher's Institutes, 1956, p. 461].

As mentioned above, in 1896, four students of the Beijing School of Foreign Languages, the first in the history of Chinese international education in Russia, were sent to St. Petersburg: a candidate for the position of senior clerk (<url>). Shao Hengjun, candidate for the post of county-level clerk () Gui Fang, seventh-rank translators () Chen Jiaju and Li Hongmo [GB PRC, ZDA, 1896, l. 39ob.]. The following year, at the request of the Chinese Embassy and by personal order of the trustee of the St. Petersburg Educational District M. N. Kapustin, all four students were enrolled in the St. Petersburg Teachers ' Institute, where they started their studies on September 29 of the same year [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l.18]. In 1899, the Chinese Embassy again requested that four more graduates of the Beijing Hao School of Foreign Languages be enrolled in the Institute

19 Teacher training institutes have been established in the Russian Empire since 1872 on the basis of the Regulations on city Schools. By January 1, 1899, nine such educational institutions were operating throughout the state. The number of students was 1,525, and the number of teachers was 168 (Uchitelskie institutei..., 1902, p. 121). By 1917, their number had increased to 58, and the number of students enrolled in them to 4 thousand. [Teachers ' Institutes..., 1977, p. 472].

20 It was assumed that subsequently, according to the charter, 60 students would study at all courses in the educational institution [TSGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 143, l. 2].

21 The library was regularly updated with educational literature, including textbooks on foreign languages, visual aids (maps, atlases), historical and statistical publications, church literature, periodicals of pedagogical orientation, etc. [TSGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 65, l. 3; d. 167, l. 1, 2, 4, 14]. In 1898, its fund consisted of 2,250 items [Celebration..., 1898, p.12], by 1902 it had increased to 3,220 [Thirtieth Anniversary..., 1903, p. 36].

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Shuji, Zhang Qingtong, Fan Qiguang, and Chen Han [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 22]. Due to the fact that the latter two were sent on business trips by the Chinese Chamber of External Affairs, the director of the Institute sent a report to the Ministry of Public Education, after receiving an affirmative decision of which the students were successfully enrolled in the institute "for full maintenance" and on November 29 of the same year began to attend classes [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 20-23].

The St. Petersburg Teachers ' Institute was honored to host the first Chinese students, beginning the history of Chinese education in Russia. Perhaps, the authority of the first director of the institute - a talented organizer of metropolitan education, the former director of schools in the St. Petersburg province-D. S. Mikhailov, a close friend and associate of the then Minister of Public Education D. A. Tolstoy, affected. Advocating for the training of new teaching staff for the entire Russian state, the director in the first years of the educational institution created an optimal system of training specialists, which was based on modern teaching methods, including language training. It is possible that these circumstances prompted the Chinese Embassy to opt for a Teacher Training institute, sending its first eight students there.

Even when the first four students were enrolled in 1897, the Institute entered into an agreement with the Chinese Embassy on their education. The document regulated in sufficient detail the conditions of training and stay of students in an educational institution [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 1-4].

Taking into account that the first four students were sent to Russia before the decree on studying exact sciences abroad appeared in Beijing, the goal of this group of students was to "study Russian theoretically and practically". In addition, students were taught geography, history, physics, and arithmetic [Thirtieth Anniversary..., 1903, p. 35], and they were also allowed to "engage in manual labor." The term of study (as for Russian students) was three years, and students of the institute were invited as teachers, "chosen for this purpose by the Pedagogical Council under the special guidance of teachers." In order to determine the level of knowledge of Chinese students, regular attestations were conducted, the results of which were sent to the Chinese Embassy by the director every two months [TSGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d.888, l. 18]. Subsequently, these rules of study did not change, and students enrolled in 1899 continued to adhere to the same curriculum.

The main focus was on teaching the Russian language. The professional orientation of the Institute allowed us to develop effective methods of teaching it to foreigners. Chinese students learned to read, listen to what their mentors read and then express it in their own words in writing and orally, wrote essays and dictation, learned dialogues and communicated on the given topics. An important aspect was the study of the grammatical foundations of the studied language-spelling, punctuation, parts of speech, declensions and conjugations [TSGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 6-17]. Students were given the correct pronunciation, which they had "in Russian is not quite clean, and they also put the stress in words is not always correct", because "it is very difficult for a Chinese person to overcome the pronunciation of Russian words" [TSGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d.888, l. 16].].

The didactic content of this discipline was very diverse. Political texts taken from the capital's newspapers (for example, Novoe Vremya) were used for teaching, which, given the goals of training Chinese students (more focused on international activities), was natural. Students were trained on materials borrowed from historical books and describing the activities of great Russian people (Peter the Great), to train their memory and set pronunciation, they learned by heart the fables of I. A. Krylov [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 8, 10, 12].

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The training of Chinese students was not limited to classroom work and communication with their peers at the Institute. The question of "placing them (Chinese students - P. L.) in Russian families during the summer months, each separately, so that they speak only Russian all summer" was studied [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 25]. It is difficult to say what decision was made in the end: the documents do not contain any references to the fact that Chinese students are staying in Russian families. It is possible that this remained at the level of proposals, especially if we take into account the fact that only eight Chinese students studied at the Teachers ' Institute and after the second group graduated in 1902, no new representatives were enrolled in this educational institution.

Both sides paid great attention to the financial situation of the Chinese students. Their stay at the institute was fully paid for by the Chinese side. When the first four foreigners were enrolled in 1897, the amount of tuition was set at 100 rubles per month for all four people; the embassy was required to pay this amount on the first day of each month in advance. To accommodate students, two "special rooms were allocated near the common rooms of pupils", "they have lunch, breakfast and drink tea in the dining room with pupils"; like Russians, they were given a "ticket to the bathhouse", and in case of illness they received the help of a local doctor [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 1-1ob.].

As students, the Chinese had to comply with a certain regime established by the administration of the Institute for all students, and adhere to the existing rules of the hostel. For example, they could "leave the institute until eleven o'clock in the evening, but if they intend to stay out of the institute later than eleven o'clock in the evening, they must inform the duty mentor about this before leaving" [TSGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d.888, l. 2]. Like other foreigners who came to Russia for a long time, students were issued residence permits, which allowed them to avoid misunderstandings, which sometimes, unfortunately, happened 22.

The developed teaching methodology, the attentive attitude of Russian mentors to teaching, and favorable conditions of stay contributed to the academic success of foreigners. And if "when they entered the institute, they could read Russian, but they could hardly understand the text and could not speak Russian at all," then there was a clear progress in their training [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 25] 23. They began to read "quite freely", understood what they read and then retold it "quite well", and presented the material explained "in writing in a fairly clear language and without gross errors"

22 In 1901, due to a flaw in the administration of the Institute, Zhang Qingtong, a student who arrived as part of the second group for training, found himself without a "permit" to stay in Russia. The verification measures carried out revealed that the Chinese "lives within Russia with an expired permit from November 23, 1899 to July 14 of this year, 1901." This was a gross violation of the regime of stay of a foreigner in the state, in connection with which" according to a complaint brought against you (a Chinese student. P. L.) by the police on behalf of the governor for your residence without a permit", a criminal case was initiated against the unfortunate student, but the results of the investigation of which the court, in accordance with Article 61 of the Charter on The Court decided to "impose a fine for setting up places of detention in the amount of ten rubles" [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 30-31 vol.]. But such a case was the only one and more similar incidents were not repeated.

23 It should be said that these were the first Chinese students and they felt uncomfortable in an unfamiliar and yet incomprehensible Russian state. Training in Beijing, even at the then-leading Tongwenguan Language School, was conducted in isolation from understanding Russian reality. Although the Teachers ' Institute received students fairly well, it took time to overcome the cultural and language barrier, and so far they "rarely spoke with the students of the institute, very little practiced in colloquial Russian, so they have little success in this regard" [TsGIA SPb .. f. 412, op. 1. d. 888, But the period of adaptation turned out to be very short: the Chinese authorities sent the best students to Russia who had clear goals and realized the importance of their mission, so within three months after enrollment "they have already made small progress" [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888. l. 25].

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(about the students of the second group-Hao Shuji, Zhang Qingtong, Fan Qiguang and Chen Han) [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 25ob.There were some of the most successful ones, such as Shao Hongjun, who "answered the fable very well by heart, understood all the expressions in it and answered correctly. All spoken words are noticeably better. The story was written quite satisfactorily and almost without errors" [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 8]. There were, however, those who had to continue to make efforts in understanding the Russian language: "Read by them (students Li Hongmo, Gui Fan and Shao Hengjun- P. L.) the story was written in general satisfactorily, but many expressions were composed incorrectly, which leads to the conclusion that quite simple sentences cannot always be correctly constructed" [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d.888, l. 10].

At the end of the Teachers ' Institute, Chinese graduates of the first group did not receive any documents on completing their studies, and only the final report was sent to the Chinese Embassy [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d.888, l. 39]. Graduates of the second group received a certificate indicating the period of their study at the educational institution (November 29, 1899-1, June 1902), a characteristic of behavior and a general assessment of academic performance with a list of completed academic subjects.: "During the tests, I showed very good results in the Russian language, geography and history. In addition, he successfully studied physics, chemistry, arithmetic, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, drawing and drawing" (from the certificate of student Fan Qiguang) [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d.888, l. 36-37].

The first Chinese graduates of a Russian educational institution turned out to be very popular in their homeland. Before them, no one had the opportunity to study in Russia. The first group of students, apparently due to the lack of a program for their further use in Russia by the Beijing authorities, returned to China, where they worked to strengthen contacts with Russia24.

Graduates of the second group who ended up in St. Petersburg after the decree on expanding the list of specialties received by Chinese students in European educational institutions was adopted were left in Russia for further study. In 1902, Fan Qiguang and Chen Han were assigned to the Alexander 1 St. Petersburg Institute of Railway Engineers, Hao Shuji to the Catherine II Mining Institute, and Zhang Qingtong to the Law Faculty of the Imperial St. Petersburg University [Thirtieth Anniversary..., 1903, p.35]. There, students continued to work diligently to improve their academic level. "The level [of knowledge] of the student Hao Shuji, who studied mining, is very high," Hu Weide, the Chinese envoy to Russia, wrote to the Foreign Affairs Chamber, " [in 1904] he has already returned to China. Chen Han, a student of the railway specialty, mastered the subject well and expressed a desire to stay in Russia to obtain a diploma in higher education " [Jindai shi zilao, 1997, p. 163].

The St. Petersburg Teachers ' Institute thus played an important role in training the first eight Chinese students in Russia. For the Beijing authorities, this was a good opportunity both in the context of Chinese students receiving Russian basic education (including language and country studies), and gaining experience in organizing the training of their subjects in Russia as a whole.

24 Shao Hengjun, for example, became director of the Russian Language School at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) [GB PRC, ZDA, 1916, p.30], then was appointed Consul General in Vladivostok [Zhongguo jindai jiaoyu shi zilao huibian..., 2007, p. 179]. Gui Fan also first served as the Chinese Consul General in Vladivostok [TsGIA SPb., f. 412, op. 1, d. 888, l. 39], and then was appointed to the post of military governor of Heilongjiang Province [Zhongguo jindai jiaoyu shi zilao huibian..., 2007, p.179]. Chen Jiaju was a lecturer in the translation department of Peking University, and served in various positions in the Foreign Ministry and the State Council during the Republic of China [ibid., p. 179]. Li Hongmo worked as an inspector at Beijing Normal University [ibid., p. 179].

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* * *

In the second half of the 19th century, the Qing Empire carried out comprehensive reforms aimed at strengthening the position of the Chinese state in the context of the active colonial policy of world powers in the eastern region. The best students of the new Chinese technical and language schools were sent to the United States and Europe in the 1870s to study international best practices.

The Russian language and Russian scientific and technological achievements were no less interesting for China than Western European ones. Beijing understood that it was necessary to know Russia as a large neighboring state, and to know it well. This was said not only by the organizers of the new formation (for example, the military governor of Heilongjiang province, Chen Dequan), but also among the local progressive officials. By the way, this is probably why some political figures of that era sent their children to study in Russia 25.

The education received by the Chinese in Russia was diverse, which allowed them to be in demand in many areas of state-building in their homeland. These were the first career Russian-language diplomats responsible for the implementation of Chinese foreign policy in Russia. 26 Chinese graduates of Russian universities were at the origins of the formation of Chinese scientific Russian studies, laid the foundations of the national translation school, and made efforts to organize and disseminate Russian language teaching, not only in the capital of the Chinese Empire, but also in the Russian regions, and promoted cultural exchange between the two powers in every possible way.27
The St. Petersburg Teachers ' Institute also played a significant role in the training of the first Chinese Russian students. Due to the professional orientation of the educational institution, the first students were provided with fairly effective training in the Russian language and a number of general education subjects. The atmosphere that developed in this educational institution was conducive to learning, since in Russia "teachers' institutes were hotbeds of great pedagogical culture "[Teachers ' Institutes, 1956, p. 461].

The education of Chinese students in Russia, therefore, became an integral part of the Qing Empire's humanitarian policy in the European direction, and made a certain contribution to the formation of a new Chinese education.

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Voskresenskiy A.D. Diplomatic history of the Russian-Chinese St. Petersburg Treaty of 1881. Moscow: Pamyatniki istoricheskoi mysli, 1995.

25 For example, Hu Shijie, who studied at St. Petersburg University, was the son of the Chinese envoy Hu Weide, and Chen, a student of the St. Petersburg Real Institute, was the son of a prominent progressive and ascetic of new education, the military governor of Heilongjiang Province, Chen Dequan. The son of the military governor of the Ili region studied in Russia, as well as the children of the Beijing Manchu-Chinese elite (Wumingjun, Whitai, Bi Wenxi, Bi Wending) [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, pp. 198-199].

26 For example, Fan Qiguang, who served as an inspector of the Chinese cake settlement of Maimaicheng [GB PRC, ZDA, 1916, l. 29, 30, 31ob. 32ob; Zhang Zeyu, 2004, p. 200]; Zhang Qingtong, who was a representative of the Chinese Foreign Ministry in Heilongjiang Province, and later worked as an inspector of Maimaicheng: Fan Qiguang, at one time He served as Consul General in Vladivostok and was a member of the Board of the CER [Zhongguo jindai jiaoyu shi zilao huibian..., 2007, p. 180].

27 In 1887, Qing Quan, a participant in one of the first trips of Chinese ambassadors to Europe, was sent to Hunchun to work at the Russian language school [Liu Zhenyu, 2013, p. 204], and his colleague from the embassy, Gui Rong, was invited to Xinjiang in the same year to the Russian language school there [GB PRC, ZDA, 1911, l. 7]. In 1887, a member of one of the earliest embassy delegations to Russia, Duanan, was summoned to the headquarters of the Heilongjiang military governor [GB PRC, ZDA, 1887, l.218].

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