Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences P. A. Zhilin

The publication of a 12-volume work on the history of World War II was met with great interest in the USSR and abroad. prepared by the Institute of Military History of the Ministry of Defense of the USSR jointly with the Institute of Marxism-Leninism under the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Institutes of General History and the History of the USSR of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Such a work, which comprehensively examines complex military and political processes, was developed in our country for the first time. The great interest in its publication is caused primarily by the fact that the Second World War is the bloodiest and most destructive of all the wars that the history of mankind knows, and the victory in it over the forces of reaction is one of the largest events of the XX century. It is extremely important that the truth about the responsibility of imperialism for its preparation and unleashing, for its incalculable victims and destruction, be known to all those who strive for peace, for curbing the forces of aggression, militarism and revanchism. The work is intended to provide a deeper understanding of the complex processes of the Second World War, to appreciate the hard-fought struggle of the peoples against the reactionary forces of imperialism and the decisive contribution of the Soviet Union to achieving a world-historic Victory, to draw the necessary lessons for the fight against the military danger in our time, and to repel the ongoing attempts in the West to distort the history of the Second World War to break out its results from the historical chain of modern events in the world.

The creation of a comprehensive study of the Second World War is a great achievement of Soviet historical science. It provides an in-depth analysis of all the main phenomena and processes that characterize the origin of war, its content, results and consequences. The publication performs not only an important cognitive function, but also has a huge ideological and ideological significance. It consists in the fact that the events and phenomena of the Second World War are studied in a multi-volume well-reasoned and comprehensive manner, taking into account the achievements of Soviet and foreign historiography and on the basis of extensive use of Soviet and foreign archival materials, many of which are being introduced for the first time into scientific circulation. The structure of the work and the materials of the volumes indicate a comprehensive coverage of the events and processes of the past war, and the logic of their consideration serves as a clear example of the embodiment of the principle of continuity of historical experience, allows us to more accurately and deeply understand all the essential, natural events of the war, and also that

1 History of the Second World War 1939-1945. Tt. 1-12. M. 1973-1982. Main Editorial Committee. Chairmen: A. A. Grechko (tt. 1-7), D. F. Ustinov (tt.8-12).

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especially important is the significance of the Victory over fascism as one of the biggest turning points in world history.

The Main Editorial Committee and the authors ' team creatively approached the solution of many complex problems of history, including the development and justification of the scientific periodization of the war, the disclosure of its sources and causes, socio-political nature, the radical change in the Second World War and the Great Patriotic War, the origin and functioning of the anti-Hitler coalition, the real contribution of various states and peoples the defeat of fascist Germany and militaristic Japan, the role of internal and external factors in the liberation of European countries from fascism, to the results and lessons of the Second World War.

The problem of periodization of the history of the Second World War is not accidentally among the first. Its correct solution is a crucial prerequisite for the development and publication of a multi-volume work. Scientific periodization of historical events is based on taking into account the causal relationship and interdependence of phenomena and processes. Therefore, the periodization of the last war is based on fundamental, qualitative changes in its course, character and class essence, in the politics of the warring states, in the military-political situation and armed struggle, in the ratio of military, economic, political and spiritual forces of the fighting countries. Determining the periods of war, the Main Editorial Committee took into account the fundamental changes in military-strategic plans that occurred during the armed struggle in the main and decisive theaters of military operations, the scope and intensity of operations and campaigns, as well as the actual quantitative and qualitative ratio of the forces involved in them. Consideration was also given to States ' decision on the tasks of armed struggle and their realization of their political goals.

Accordingly, in the history of the Second World War, five periods are distinguished in the multi-volume book: the first-the beginning of the war and the invasion of Western Europe by German troops (September 1939-June 1941); the second - the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR, the expansion of the scale of the war, the collapse of Hitler's "blitzkrieg" doctrine and the myth of the invincibility of the (June 1941-November 1942); the third - a radical change in the course of World War II, the collapse of the offensive strategy of the fascist bloc (November 1942-December 1943); the fourth - the defeat of the fascist bloc, the expulsion of enemy troops from the USSR, the creation of a second front, the liberation from the occupation of European countries, the collapse of Germany and unconditional surrender (January 1944-May 1945); the fifth - the defeat of imperialist Japan, the liberation of the peoples of Asia from Japanese occupation, and the end of World War II (May - September 1945).

In addition, it was considered appropriate, firstly, to consider the pre-war and post-war periods in the multi-volume book. This made it possible to show more fully and purposefully the place and role of the Second World War in the historical process, its connection with modernity. Secondly, the periods listed above, in turn, were divided into stages, which made it possible to present in more detail significant changes in the course of military operations and the military-political situation, major military campaigns, the importance of creating prerequisites for solving political and strategic tasks, for example, for the transition from strategic defense to strategic offensive. When determining the periods and stages, the reconstruction of the home front, the success of the partisan movement and the national liberation struggle of peoples, the creation of new political structures in countries, and a number of other circumstances were taken into account.

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Special attention is paid to the study of the causes of the Second World War. Bourgeois historiography deliberately obfuscates this question, seeks to minimize and even remove from imperialism the blame for unleashing the war. "Wars are a consequence of the instinct of pugnacity of man, they will arise as long as man exists," is one of the theses of bourgeois authors. They prove the eternity of wars by using various anthropological, theological, and sociological techniques, as well as a reactionary "theory of violence." 2 Some bourgeois historians, while admitting that fascism started the war, deny, however, that this terrorist dictatorship of the monopolistic bourgeoisie is a product of imperialism. Some falsifiers of history even try to assign some responsibility for the outbreak of the war to the Soviet Union. To this end, they are reviving Hitler's version of Germany's "preventive war" against the USSR.

This version is as follows. On June 22, 1941, the Foreign Minister of nazi Germany, Ribbentrop, presented the Soviet ambassador in Berlin with a memorandum stating that the Soviet government was allegedly trying to "blow up Germany from within", preparing to seize and bolshevize Western European states, invade the Balkans, and seize the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles .3 The same thing was stated by Hitler in his address to the German people on the day of the German attack on the USSR. "The main task of German propaganda," one of Goebbels 'closest aides, G. Fritsche, admitted at the Nuremberg trials of the main Nazi war criminals," was to justify the necessity of this attack, that is, to emphasize all the time that we only anticipated the attack of the Soviet Union... The next task of German propaganda was to state almost the same thing, that is, to emphasize all the time that it was not Germany, but the Soviet Union, that was responsible for this war."4 It is not by chance that these false versions are exaggerated and propagated by reactionary circles. Their goal is to intimidate European and other peoples with the alleged "threat of Bolshevism hanging over them," as imperialist circles did in the 1930s, in order to rally reactionary forces to fight against the USSR and turn the peoples away from socialism .5
The sources and causes of the Second World War are discussed in detail in the first two volumes of the publication. For the first time in the practice of writing works on the history of the Second World War, this problem is solved in a reasoned manner, on an extensive documentary basis. Irrefutable facts show that the sources and causes of the Second World War lie in the very nature of capitalism, in the policy of the ruling imperialist reaction aimed at the elimination of socialism, the defeat of the liberation movement, and the restoration of the hegemony of imperialism in the world. These volumes describe in detail the mechanism of action of these causes in the context of the deepening general crisis of capitalism, the aggravation of its economic and social contradictions, and show the process of maturing the Second World War during the two decades that separated it from the First World War (vol.1, p. VIII).

The emergence of the Second World War compared to the first took place in a new historical environment. First of all, it took place in an immeasurably sharper mutual struggle between the imperialist Powers. Kaiser's Germany, which before the First World War had colonies in Africa, in the Pacific basin and was widely used by the Soviet Union.

2 Encyclopedia Americana. Vol. 28. N. Y. 1970, pp. 321 - 322.

3 See: Kommunist, 1972, No. 1, pp. 110-111.

4 The Nuremberg trials of major German war criminals. Sb. m-lov. T. V. M. 1960, p. 569.

5 Pravda, 16. V. 1985.

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Turkey's possessions in the Middle East, after the defeat in this war, lost all its overseas possessions. As a result of the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia, the sphere of capitalist exploitation was reduced, and the national liberation movement in the colonial, semi-colonial and dependent countries intensified, which weakened the deep imperialist "rear". At the same time, the struggle in foreign markets has become even more "vital" for capitalist countries than before the First World War. The most severe crisis of overproduction in 1929-1933 had a significant impact on the aggravation of imperialist contradictions (vol.1, p. 335).

Contradictions between the capitalist powers and their groupings have ceased to be the only factor in world politics. They were now developing in interaction with the fundamental contradiction of the new era - between two opposing social systems: capitalism and socialism. Two opposing imperialist military blocs (Germany, Italy, and Japan on the one hand, and Britain, France, and the United States on the other) were gradually forming, fighting for world domination, while at the same time striving to destroy the Soviet Union. With the growing threat of war between these groups of imperialist Powers, their desire to form a united front against the USSR grew. The ruling circles of Germany, Italy and Japan speculated on anti-Sovietism. When the fascist dictatorship was established in Germany, the reactionary circles of the United States, Britain, and France considered that with its help it would be possible to crush the Soviet Union and resolve the main contradiction of the era in favor of capitalism. That is why they provided the aggressive fascist regime with all possible political, financial and economic assistance (vol. 1, p. VIII). The United States, Britain and France encouraged fascist aggression, hiding behind the fig leaf of "appeasement" of Germany. The culmination of this policy was the Munich Agreement of 1938, as a result of which its Western participants handed over to Hitler the sovereign Czechoslovak state to be torn to pieces, provided the invaders with an advance for further movement to the East.

The publication shows why the Second World War began not with an attack on the USSR, but contrary to the plans of the ruling circles of England, France and the United States - with a battle of imperialist coalitions. This happened for a number of reasons. First, because war was born within the capitalist world. Secondly, because the antagonism between two different social systems did not exclude the sharpened internal contradictions of capitalism: they became even stronger as the imperialist Powers fought fiercely for world domination. Third, by seeking international isolation of the Soviet Union, the ruling circles of Britain and France undermined the possible unity of the opponents of the fascist states, weakened their own countries, and brought them face to face with the aggressors - German, Italian fascism, and Japanese militarism. Fourth, the constant search by Britain, France and the United States for ways to make deals at the expense of the USSR was considered by the fascist states as evidence of the weakness of the political positions of their competitors and led to the fact that the Hitlerite clique began to implement its plans for world domination by attacking initially less strong, from its point of view, opponents,, France and England.

In this regard, the multi-volume book pays considerable attention to exposing fascism as a misogynistic socio-political phenomenon generated by imperialism. Here is the story of the formation of the sinister union of monopolies, fascism and militarism, about-

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The article examines the reactionary nature of fascism, its foundations, political and economic systems, internal and foreign policies of fascist states, their ideology and propaganda. It is also shown in detail that the fascist-militarist regimes during the war years were instrumental in implementing the expansionist plans of the most reactionary imperialist forces, and pursued political goals that were alien to the working people and contrary to historical progress. The aggressors in their policy relied mainly on the power of weapons and mass terror. Because of fascism, humanity lost more than 50 million people, the material and spiritual culture of many countries of the world was destroyed.

The work emphasizes that exposing the social essence, ideology and practice of fascism, its danger to the cause of peace in the current situation on the basis of the experience of the last war becomes extremely important: fascism was and remains a bulwark of the forces of reaction and war, it forms the ideology of war, paves the way to it. The danger of attempts to "whitewash fascism" is also emphasized, and the essence of the reactionary "legacy" of fascism in the person of neo-fascism as one of the tools of modern aggressive imperialist forces is shown. All volumes of the publication contain documents and photo documents that comprehensively reveal the bestial appearance of fascism.

In the multi-volume book, the theoretical development of the problem of the socio-political nature of the Second World War was most convincingly and fully embodied. This problem is of fundamental importance, because the socio-political nature of the war reflected the patterns and trends of the modern era and had a direct impact on the course and outcome of the war, and all subsequent social development is associated with the deepening of the processes caused by the great Victory. Scientific coverage of this issue is also necessary because in the West, especially in the United States, England and other countries, a perverse assessment of the complex and contradictory socio-political nature of the war is being spread in order to exaggerate the role of these countries and belittle the contribution of the Soviet Union to achieving victory over the fascist coalition.

The authors of the twelve-volume book proceeded from the fact that the socio-political character of the Second World War, like any war, does not depend on any wishes or subjective will. It is determined by the policy of classes and States on the eve of and during the war, and by the position which these classes occupy in all the belligerent Powers. "The social character of war, its true meaning... As V. I. Lenin noted, " it is determined by what policy the war continues ('war is the continuation of politics'), and by what class is waging war for what purposes. " 6 Wars, especially world wars, always bear the stamp of an epoch. The First World War reflected in its origin and character the epoch of imperialism, the Second World War the epoch of the transition of countries and peoples from capitalism to socialism, and above all its feature, which Lenin defined as the shift of the central axis of international life to the area of confrontation between two different social systems. It is the class conflict between the new social system - socialism and imperialism-that has become the factor that determines, in Lenin's words, "the mutual relations of peoples, the entire world system of states" 7 both in peacetime and in wartime.

These positions are the key to understanding the dialectic of overgrowth

6 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 34, pp. 196-197.

7 Ibid., vol. 41, p. 242.

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The Second World War was transformed from an aggressive and unjust war on the part of both opposing imperialist groups into a just and liberating war on the part of the peoples and States that fought against the States of the fascist bloc. A step forward was the historical and logical disclosure in the multi-volume book of criteria for the development of war from unfair to just, the factors that characterize this process.

The war that broke out within the capitalist system, on the part of Germany, Italy, and Japan, in terms of political goals and character, was throughout unjust and aggressive. The plans and actions of the States of the fascist bloc expressed the interests of the most reactionary forces and contradicted the progressive course of historical development. The changing nature of the Second World War is an objective process that developed under the influence of a number of significant factors. The crucial ones were: The Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union against fascist Germany; the heroic struggle of communist parties in most capitalist and dependent countries; the widespread involvement of democratic forces in the anti-fascist struggle; the threat to the very existence of historically formed national states, which led to the inclusion of new social groups in the struggle; the establishment by the Nazis in the occupied territories of the working people.

Already at the very beginning of the Second World War, liberation tendencies were manifested on the part of the peoples who were subjected to the Fascist attack. As the peoples of the occupied countries, supported by progressive forces around the world, became involved in the struggle against the aggressors, these tendencies gained strength and increasingly had a transformative effect on the nature of the war. Indeed, from the very beginning, the peoples of Poland and Yugoslavia waged a just war for freedom and national independence, which was a natural expression of their fundamental interests. The peoples of Greece, Albania, Czechoslovakia, then Norway, Holland, Denmark, Belgium and France rose up for the liberation struggle.

In the course of the war, its socio-political character also began to change on the part of the bourgeois states that opposed the fascist bloc. It wasn't an accident. The events of the last war confirmed Lenin's conclusion that even under imperialism, under certain conditions and under the influence of certain factors, some capitalist states can wage a just war against other capitalist states .8 In the current situation during the armed confrontation, the socio-political nature of the war on the part of the bourgeois states that opposed the fascist bloc has changed primarily because the escalation of aggression has created a real threat not only to the national independence of many countries, but also to the very existence of many peoples.

Special attention should be paid to the comprehensively reasoned statement in the work about the decisive significance of the struggle of the Soviet Union after the treacherous attack on it by Nazi Germany in changing the social character of the Second World War. This is explained by the fact that the Great Patriotic War, to which the peoples of the USSR rose up under the leadership of the Leninist Party, became the most important component of the Second World War, the highest degree of just war - the war in defense of the socialist Fatherland. It has fundamentally changed the balance of power on the world stage. The masses of the people total

8 See Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 30, pp. 5-8, 81, 34.

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the world has found a clear program of struggle for the complete defeat of the aggressors and the destruction of fascism. The socialist state, in alliance with the democratic forces of many countries, began an armed confrontation against their worst and most insidious enemies - German fascism and Japanese militarism. This confrontation meant a fundamental qualitative change in the socio-political character, scale, course and prospects of the Second World War.

The just nature of the war has united nations not only on a national but also on an international scale. It contributed to the mobilization of their moral forces, the growth of political consciousness, the consolidation of various segments of the population, and the increase of their fighting spirit. The just nature of the war, which became one of the most important factors of victory, could be realized only under the appropriate conditions, since it required the maximum mobilization of material and moral forces. And this, as you know, depends on the socio-political system of states, the political goals that they pursue in the war.

This is one of the reasons why the multi-volume book comprehensively examines the contribution of States and peoples to achieving a common Victory. This problem is not only of scientific significance. The recognition of the decisive role of the USSR in achieving victory over fascism as a historical truth is both ideological and ideological in nature: it shows that socialism won naturally and it is irresistible. It is precisely this conclusion that reactionary bourgeois ideologues, historians, and politicians do not want to take into account. They often argue that there are no scales on which to weigh the contribution of a particular country to achieving Victory. The multi-volume book convinces that there are such scales. It develops and applies scientific criteria for assessing the real contribution of each of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition to the defeat of nazi Germany and militaristic Japan. These include the political and military goals of states in the war, their military and economic capabilities and the degree of their use in the war, the effectiveness of the armed forces according to the political course of governments. The victory over the fascist coalition was achieved by the joint efforts of the states of the anti-Hitler coalition, all freedom-loving peoples. However, the hardships of the war did not fall on the participants of the anti-Hitler coalition to the same extent. The contribution of individual countries to the Victory was determined both by objective circumstances - the nature of the state and social system, the economic system, mobilization capabilities, geographical location, and the level of military development - and by subjective ones-government policies, the activities of political parties, and the degree of activity and participation of the masses in the war.

In accordance with the above criteria, the work reasonably asserts that the main role in the defeat of nazi Germany, and at the final stage - and militaristic Japan, was played by the Soviet people and their Armed Forces. Attempts by reactionary bourgeois propaganda to belittle the contribution of the USSR to achieving Victory and to exaggerate the role of the United States and Great Britain in defeating the fascist bloc are untenable. The paper argues that despite a significant increase in the overall military potential of the United States and Great Britain during the war, most of their armed forces, weapons and military equipment for a long time did not take direct part in military operations against nazi Germany. It is impossible not to agree with those foreign historians who write that as a result of the delay in opening the second front, the British Isles could literally "sink" under the weight of American weapons and military supplies that had not been used for a long time.

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The state's contribution to the war is largely determined by the scope, intensity and activity of the struggle of its armed forces against enemy troops, and the achievement of the most important military and political results. The data presented in the multi-volume book show that active combat operations on the Soviet-German front accounted for 93% of the time of its existence and until the summer of 1944, the main forces of Germany and its satellites were located on it. Here, on average, there were 15-20 times more troops than on other fronts (North Africa, Italy), where the US and British troops were engaged. Since June 1944, the number of Wehrmacht units operating against American, British and French troops in the European Theater of Operations has increased significantly, but even then they were 1.8 - 2.8 times less than on the Soviet-German front. The course and outcome of the armed struggle during World War II was determined by the confrontation of the belligerents on the Soviet-German front, where the Soviet Armed Forces conducted more than 50 offensive and defensive operations of a strategic scale, about 250 front-line operations, thousands of battles and battles. The war ended with a series of brilliant offensives by the Soviet Army, including the Berlin offensive, which resulted in the defeat of Nazi Germany and peace for Europe.

The decisive contribution of the USSR to the victory is also determined by the fact that more than 73% of the total losses of the German-Fascist army were suffered in battles and battles with the Soviet Army. The damage in personnel inflicted on the Wehrmacht on the Soviet-German front was 4 times greater than in the Western European and Mediterranean theaters of operations combined, and in terms of the number of killed and wounded - 6 times. On the Soviet-German front, the bulk of the enemy's military equipment was also destroyed - up to 75% of the total losses of tanks and assault guns, over 75% of aircraft, and 74% of artillery guns.

The decisive role of the USSR in achieving victory over fascism is convincingly confirmed by its economic victory. The Soviet economic system, the socialist form of organization of the national economy and administration, and their advantages made it possible to carry out the country's rapid transition from peace to war, create a well-coordinated military economy, and redistribute material, financial, and labor resources in the interests of Victory. Suffice it to say that in 1941-1945 the USSR produced twice as many tanks and self-propelled guns as Nazi Germany did in 1939-1945. As for the United States and Great Britain, the maximum military production was achieved by them after the efforts of the Soviet people and their army made a radical change in the war, and the fascist bloc irrevocably lost its strategic initiative. The effectiveness of the United States and Great Britain in using their economic capabilities in the interests of a common victory was also insufficient because they focused their efforts primarily on providing operations in peripheral theaters of military operations, while the most important military events took place on the Soviet-German front - the main front of World War II.

Bourgeois historians try to attribute the US military economy almost a decisive role in ensuring the victory of the anti-Hitler coalition over the fascist bloc. They are grossly exaggerating the importance of the material assistance provided by the United States to the Soviet Union under Lend-lease .9 However, it is known that the share of all external supplies to the USSR during the years of World War II-

9 Jones R. The Roads to Russia: United States Lend-Lease to the Soviet Union. Oklahoma. 1969, p. IX; Howard U. Grand Strategy; August - September 1943. Vol. 4. Lnd. 1972, p. XIII.

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It was only about 4% relative to domestic military production10 . In addition, our country did not always get exactly what it needed, and not at the time when it was particularly needed. At the same time, the Soviet Union supplied the United States with a lot of valuable raw materials (300 thousand tons of chromium and 32 thousand tons of manganese ore), as well as other products.

A number of specific events are inextricably linked to the general problems of the history of the Second World War, which are elaborated in detail in the work. Among them, a special place is occupied by the problem of a radical change during the Second World War and the Great Patriotic War. It has not only historical, but also socio-political content, and therefore it is not accidental that it is considered in three volumes of the publication. Volume 5 deals with the events of the summer and autumn of 1942, as a result of which the efforts of the Soviet people thwarted the plans of nazi Germany to crush the USSR and expand aggression to the countries of the Near and Middle East, as well as prepared the military, moral, political and economic conditions for a radical change during the Second World War. Volume 6 highlights the beginning and growth of a radical change in favor of the anti-Hitler coalition, and analyzes the decisive role of the USSR in creating this change. Volume 7 is devoted to the study of the military, political and economic processes that determined the completion of a radical turning point in the war, and shows the decisive role of the USSR in achieving it.

The attention of Soviet scientists to this problem is explained by the fact that most bourgeois historians, when analyzing the events of the radical turning point in the last war, are far from an objective assessment of the facts. Their views were expressed in the concept of" turning points "or" key points " of the war. The inconsistency of this concept lies in the fact that it puts events that are completely different in meaning, scale and consequences on the same level. Among the" turning points " of the Second World War, Western authors primarily refer to those battles and battles in which Anglo-American troops participated, and English historians usually distinguish "their", and American - "their" battles. British bourgeois historians consider the battles of El Alamein to be the largest of them in 1942, while American historians consider the battles of Midway Atoll and Guadalcanal to be the largest in the Pacific Ocean11 . Falsifiers of history try to put these peripheral battles on the same level with the greatest battles of world history - near Moscow, as well as the Battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, which meant a radical turn, and then a turning point in World War II.

The Battle of El Alamein can never be put on the same level as the Battle of Stalingrad. This is evidenced by the results of a study conducted in volume 6 of Truda. At El Alamein, by the beginning of the British army offensive on October 23, 1942, the Italo-German troops numbered only about 80 thousand people, and at Stalingrad, the Soviet Army in November 1942 was opposed by more than 1 million people, i.e. 12 times more. The total losses of the German-fascist troops in the Battle of Stalingrad during the offensive of the Soviet troops from November 19, 1942 to February 2, 1943 amounted to more than 800 thousand people, about 2 thousand tanks and assault guns, more than 10 thousand guns and mortars, up to 3 thousand combat and transport aircraft, over 70 thousand cars. The Wehrmacht completely lost 32 divisions and 3 brigades, and its 16 divisions were severely defeated. In the battle for

Voznesenskiy N. Voennaya ekonomika SSSR v period Otechestvennoy voiny [Military economy of the USSR during the Patriotic War]. Moscow, 1948, pp. 73-74.

11 Fuller J. The Conduct of War: 1789 - 1961. Lnd. 1961, pp. 275 - 276; Wykes A. 1942: The Turning Point. Lnd. 1972, p. 146; Smith W. Midway; Turning Point of the Pacific. N. Y. 1966.

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German and Italian troops lost 55,000 men, 320 tanks and about 1,000 guns in El Alamein. In 1943, the significance of the victory of the Soviet Army at Stalingrad was clear to state and political figures of the allied countries. On the results of the actions of the Soviet troops at Stalingrad, US President F. Roosevelt wrote: "Their glorious victory stopped the wave of invasion and became the turning point of the war of the allied nations against the forces of aggression." 12
As for the battles of the American troops near Midway Island and beyond Guadalcanal, which are presented by modern bourgeois authors as the beginning of a counteroffensive of the Allied forces, 13 in fact, they were defensive in nature. This is evidenced, in particular, by Roosevelt's speech at a meeting of Congress on January 7, 1943, in which he pointed out that the actions of the Allied forces in the battles for these islands "were essentially defensive. They were part of the deterrence strategy that characterized this phase of the war. " 14
As applied to the summer and autumn of 1943, the concept of "turning points" promoted in the West is expressed in exaggerating the importance of the Allied armed actions in Italy, in the Pacific Theater, on sea communications, the bombing of Germany, and in suppressing events on the Soviet-German front, especially the victories of the Soviet Army in the Caucasus, near Kursk and on the Dnieper. These tendencies are reflected in the memoirs and writings of former Hitler generals Guderian, Tippelskirch, Mellenthin, and others. It was continued by the West German, English, and American bourgeois historians G. Jacobsen, G. Dollinger, H. Baldwin, J. Fuller, P. Young, D. Selby, and G. Mol. American military publicist X. Baldwin names 11 decisive battles, seven of which were won by American and British troops, three by German and Japanese, and only one (Stalingrad) by the Soviets. Among the "great battles" of the Second World War, he refers, for example, the battle for Tarawa Atoll, in which in November 1943 only about 20 thousand people participated on both sides. Baldwin "doesn't notice" the Battle of Kursk, however, even though more than 2 million people were involved on both sides. 15
The multi-volume book analyzes in detail the significance of the radical change in the war achieved on the Soviet-German front, which was expressed not only in decisive shifts in the armed struggle of opposing coalitions, improving the strategic position of the armed forces of the USSR, England, and the United States in the theaters of military operations, and in changing the ratio of military potentials. It covered the entire set of processes that determine the content of war, and was characterized by profound changes in economic and political factors.

The economic confrontation between the warring coalitions in 1942-1943 reached great tension. The differences in socio - economic systems and the advantages of the socialist economy over the economy of capitalist states had a profound impact on the results of the mobilization of economic resources for waging war. A decisive turning point in the development of military production in the USSR, the ratio of military and economic forces occurred from July 1942 to October 1943. The main emphasis at that time was on maximizing the use of-

12 Correspondence of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR with the Presidents of the United States and the Prime Ministers of Great Britain during the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945. Vol. 2. Moscow, 1976, p. 317.

13 Macmillan H. Blast of War 1939 - 1945. Lnd. 1967, p. 362; Smith W. Op. cit.

14 The President's War Addresses to the People and to Congress of the United States of America. Washington. 1945, p. 61.

15 Baldwin H. Battles Lost and Won: Great Campaigns of World War 2. N. Y. 1966.

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increase of production capacity, increase of military output in every possible way. At the end of 1942, the ratio of the main types of military equipment between the active armies of the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany changed in favor of the Soviet Army. By July 1943, its advantage had increased even more.

The liberation of the North Caucasus, Donbass and other regions of Ukraine and the rapid recovery of their economy contributed to the strengthening of the military power of the USSR. The economic and human resources that the aggressors relied on to wage war have been significantly reduced. Analyzing the events of 1943 , the year of the radical turning point in the course of the war, J. V. Stalin noted: "This year was a turning point, finally, because the successful offensive of the Red Army radically worsened the economic and military - political situation of fascist Germany, putting it in the face of a profound crisis." 16
In the Soviet Union in 1943, compared with the previous year, the total volume of industrial production increased by 17%, and in Germany-by 12%. Having a smaller industrial base, the USSR surpassed Nazi Germany in the production of military equipment and weapons. The growth of military production made it possible to increase the level of technical equipment of the Soviet Armed Forces. A significant increase in the provision of troops with basic weapons occurred in the summer and autumn of 1943. In that year, the USSR produced 24.1 thousand tanks and self-propelled artillery units and 34.9 thousand aircraft; in Germany-10.7 thousand tanks and assault guns and 25.2 thousand aircraft (vol. 7, p. 512). Thus, a radical change in the economic single combat with the enemy became the material basis for a radical change in the course of military operations.

Serious attention is paid to the issue of the origin and functioning of the anti-Hitler coalition as one of the factors that played an important role in the confrontation with the fascist bloc. This is one of the issues that is being heavily falsified in the West. The multi-volume book deals primarily with those aspects of the functioning of the anti-Hitler coalition that were directly related to the armed struggle against the common enemy. At the same time, the author analyzes the prerequisites and conditions that allowed states with different socio-political systems, which pursued far from identical political goals in the war, to unite their efforts and direct them to defeat the fascist bloc. The coincidence of interests of the USSR, the USA, Great Britain and other capitalist states in the struggle against the aggressive bloc, despite the difference in their social systems, turned out to be stronger than the contradictions that existed between them, although the latter continued to significantly influence the political and military strategy of the participants in the anti-fascist coalition until the end of the war.

The experience of cooperation accumulated during the war years showed that it was formed, expanded and gained strength primarily because the Soviet Union constantly advocated its development in the interests of the speedy and complete defeat of fascism. His foreign policy activities during the war years were distinguished by his ability to combine Leninist principles and firmness with a willingness to show flexibility in this or that issue, loyalty to concluded agreements and commitments, and political foresight. Against this background, the unprincipled actions of the allied powers on the most important issues of warfare looked very unsightly, such as the desire to shift the greatest burden of the war on the shoulders of the Soviet people, which was expressed in delaying the opening of the second front, creating a conflict-

16 I. Stalin On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, Moscow, 1953, p. 114.

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situations directed against the U.S.S.R. and other progressive forces, etc.

Despite this, the anti-Hitler coalition overturned the plans of the fascist invaders to isolate their opponents and defeat them one by one. Throughout the war, the aggressor was confronted by the combined power of many countries and peoples. The fact that the United States, Britain, and other capitalist States were fighting a common enemy in the same camp as the USSR limited the ability of reactionary forces to carry out anti-Soviet actions both within these countries and on the world stage.

The formation of the anti - Hitler coalition had a positive impact on the actions of the communist and workers ' parties of its member states aimed at rallying peoples in the fight against fascism. The atmosphere of cooperation between the coalition countries and a real understanding of the new situation in the world after the defeat of fascism were reflected in the decisions of the allied conferences in Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam. They ensured the settlement of complex issues of the post-war structure, including territorial ones, which met the interests of peace. "It is especially appropriate to recall all this," said Mikhail Gorbachev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, "today, when all the peoples of the world have one common enemy-the threat of nuclear war, and the most important task is to eliminate this threat." 17
Important issues discussed in the multi-volume book are also the role of internal and external factors in the liberation of European countries from fascism; the nature and significance of the anti-fascist resistance movement, the struggle of partisans and underground fighters, the assessment of their contribution to the victory over fascism; the activities of communist and workers ' parties, which were at the forefront of the struggle of the peoples of capitalist, colonial and dependent countries against fascism and militarism. The paper notes that the question of the correlation between internal and external factors of the liberation of the countries occupied by nazi Germany and militaristic Japan remains an object of ideological struggle to this day. This is why a thorough critique is given of the falsifications of the Soviet Union's liberation mission, first of all of the false claims about the" export of revolution " by the Soviet Army , 18 about the alleged aggressive aims inherent in the USSR, and so on.

The Soviet Armed Forces completely or partially liberated the territories of 13 countries of Europe and Asia with a population of about 200 million people. The losses of the Soviet Army in these battles amounted to more than 3 million people, including more than a million killed. The work comprehensively shows that the liberation mission of the Soviet Armed Forces ensured the revival of statehood, national dignity, and sovereignty of these countries, and was an important factor in the transition of most of them to the path of building socialism.

But the Soviet Army did not impose the state system on anyone. During the war, a revolutionary situation was created in a number of countries in Europe and Asia. The working class and the broad masses of the people of these countries, having experienced the hardships and horrors of the war of conquest, came out not only against German and Italian fascism and Japanese militarism, but also against "their" reactionary regimes. The anti-fascist liberation movement led by the working class and its vanguard, the Communist and workers ' parties, developed into a struggle against the foundations of capitalism. Many countries have entered a period of radical revolutionary changes.

17 Pravda, 9. V. 1985.

18 Mastny V. Moskaus Weg zum Kalten Krieg: Von der Kriegsallianz zur sowjetischen Vormachtstellung in Osteuropa. Munchen. 1980, S. 130, 369 - 372; Carmichael T. The Ninety Days: Five Battles that Changed the World. N. Y. 1971, p. 317.

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Then, together with the USSR and the Mongolian People's Republic, they formed the world system of socialism.

As for the anti-fascist movement, the Resistance movement, the struggle of partisans, underground workers, and the activities of communist and workers ' parties as their vanguard, these issues are also covered in detail in the work. When showing the Resistance movement, which in its socio-political content was anti-fascist, all-democratic, the multi-volume book comprehensively reveals the mechanism of influence of this movement on the character, course and results of the Second World War, it is noted that its main goals were to destroy fascism, restore national independence, restore and expand democratic freedoms, it is emphasized that the movement The resistance was also directed against internal reactionary forces, all traitors to national interests.

The work provides a general description of the activities of the Communist and workers ' parties, which were at the forefront of the popular masses in their struggle against fascism, and, most importantly, it generalizes the political, organizational and ideological activities of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Second World War confirmed the fact that the Lenin Party was the universally recognized ideological and political vanguard of the Soviet people in the struggle against fascism. Having at the beginning of the war a vast experience in revolutionary and transformative activities, it skillfully used the objective opportunities and advantages inherent in the very nature of socialism in the interests of defeating the aggressors.

The effectiveness and far-sightedness of the Communist Party's wartime policy was primarily due to the fact that this policy, based on the Marxist-Leninist theory, correctly reflected the nature and features of the war, the international situation, as well as real relations within Soviet society. On a scientific basis, the party worked out and implemented a policy of conducting a nationwide just struggle against fascism. From this point of view, the work reveals the role of ideology, propaganda and counter-propaganda, spiritual, moral and political factors in the war, the opposite and irreconcilability of bourgeois and socialist ideologies. At the same time, the reactionary nature of the ideology of fascism and militarism, which preached and implanted in the minds of people the reactionary ideas of anti-communism, anti-Sovietism, chauvinism, misanthropy and expansionism, is shown.

One of the most important tasks of the author's team was to summarize the socio-political results and lessons of the Second World War, carried out in the final volume of the work. This is achieved by showing the historical mission of socialism in achieving Victory, the vanguard role of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the fight against fascism, the heroic struggle of the masses, the resistance movement and the anti-fascist underground, the contribution to the common Victory over the enemy of the United States, Britain, France and other countries, the experience of political and military cooperation of states with anti-Hitler coalition; revealing the collapse of political systems and the ideology of fascism and militarism. Much attention is paid to the results of the economic confrontation between the states participating in the war, the assessment of the decisive contribution of the USSR economy to achieving Victory, the demonstration of the superiority of the socialist economic system over the capitalist one, the analysis of the problem of economic support for the war by the bourgeois countries of the anti-Hitler coalition, as well as the militaristic nature of the economies of Germany and Japan and the reasons for the economic defeat of these countries.

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The work makes important generalizations that characterize the armed struggle and military art of the warring states, reveals the characteristic features of armed struggle in the theaters of military operations, the prerequisites and conditions for the implementation of a radical change on the Soviet-German front - the main front of World War II, the struggle for strategic initiative, for military-technical superiority and other problems. Special attention is paid to the multi-volume coverage of the superiority of the military organization of the USSR, Soviet military art over the military organization and military art of the enemy, the features of the military organization of the bourgeois countries of the anti-Hitler coalition, as well as the bankruptcy of military doctrines and military art of the states of the fascist bloc are shown.

The authors ' team made significant conclusions about the impact of the Victory over fascism on solving problems of social development in the post-war years, revealed the impact of the results of the war on changing the balance of forces on the world stage in favor of socialism, on solving the fundamental socio-economic and political problems of our time. To this end, the author reveals the active nature of the struggle of the Soviet Union, the CPSU, other countries of the socialist community and fraternal parties, and all the progressive forces of the world to consolidate the results of the Second World War, to solve the central problem of our time - preventing a new world war, and further strengthening peace and security of peoples.

A characteristic feature of the analysis of the results and lessons of the Second World War in the multi-volume book is their close connection with the present. It emphasizes that the world-historical Victory over fascism serves as a terrible reminder to those who do not consider the lessons of history. The lessons of the war and the post-war period in the context of the ever-increasing aggressiveness of imperialism call on the peoples to be vigilant and constantly and uncompromisingly fight against the ideology of war. The CPSU and the Communist and Workers ' parties of other countries are firmly and consistently pursuing this line of consolidating peace on Earth and exposing those who are hatching adventurist plans for a new and even more terrible military tragedy.

Preventing a Third World War and achieving lasting peace is a very real task. This conclusion was made by the CPSU and other Marxist-Leninist parties, based on a comprehensive analysis of new phenomena and major trends in social development. First, the results of the war showed that there are no forces in the world that would be able to crush socialism, stop the irresistible process of historical development. Having made a decisive contribution to the defeat of the shock troops of international imperialism, the Soviet people, together with other freedom-loving peoples, defended and consolidated their democratic and progressive achievements, and secured and confirmed the socialist perspective of human development. Socialism - the most advanced social system-is the leading force of the modern era. Its creative capabilities were revealed in peacetime, and during the war it showed the ability to defend its gains from the encroachments of imperialism. In the post-war period, the Soviet Union and other countries of the socialist community became the mainstay of social progress and world peace. To preserve it, they have the economic and defense potential, a clear program of struggle for peace.

Secondly, the entire experience of the historical development of the modern era, which began with the Great October Revolution, testifies to a steady change in the general correlation of the opposing world forces in favor of socialism and democracy. This is the most important pattern of our time, the action of which expands the possibilities of preventing but-

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the howl of the world war. The most characteristic feature of the post-war years is the strengthening of socialism, its transformation into a decisive force for historical development. The beneficial influence of the socialist countries on the course of world events is becoming stronger and deeper. Along with socialism, the international workers ' and communist movement is the real force that is fighting against a new world war and can play an important role in preventing it. If all these forces are united, war can be prevented.

Third, the reality of peaceful resolution of inter-State problems is confirmed by the changes that have taken place and are taking place in international relations in the post-war years. The most important of them is that, despite the fierce opposition of imperialism, the results of the Second World War were politically and legally fixed.

Through the whole work runs a thought that confirms the main lesson of the Second World War: you must fight against war before it begins. Historical experience teaches that in order to defend peace, united, coordinated and active actions of all peace-loving forces are necessary against the aggressive, adventurous course of imperialism. It is necessary to increase the vigilance of the peoples, to preserve and multiply the gains of socialism. Today, more than ever, Lenin's statement about the need to resolutely expose all kinds of "sophisms that justify the war"is relevant .19 Imperialist reaction must not be allowed to frighten the people and deceive the peoples. It is necessary to consistently and persistently fight the ideological diversions of the forces of militarism and aggression, their militant concepts and doctrines, expose the falsifications spread by bourgeois ideologues, and fight all kinds of misinformation and slander. It is necessary to keep a sharp eye on the machinations of aggressive circles seeking to plunge the world into a new military tragedy. The policy of aggression and military adventures, no matter what form it takes, must be resolutely rebuffed. The lessons of the past oblige us to do this.

A special place in the work is occupied by the development of military theory, the armed forces and the art of war. The multi-volume book contains coverage of a number of problems of the theory and practice of armed struggle solved by the Soviet troops. One of them relates to the organization of strategic defense. The war showed that, despite enormous difficulties, the defense of the Soviet troops withstood severe tests. Already in the summer-autumn campaign of 1941, the Soviet Armed Forces thwarted the offensive plans of Nazi Germany, stopped and exhausted powerful Wehrmacht groups in defensive battles, and brought the fascist blitzkrieg strategy to ruin. Then the Armed Forces of our country had to solve a number of complex problems associated with such a type of strategic action as a counteroffensive. The Soviet Army successfully carried out major counter-offensives in the battles of Moscow, Stalingrad, and the Kursk Bulge. In terms of their scale, scope, results, and the art of conducting them, the world military practice did not know such strategic operations.

Fundamentally new forms of strategic actions of the Armed Forces in the form of operations of groups of fronts were theoretically developed and successfully applied in practice. In the course of strategic offensive operations, Soviet troops skillfully surrounded and destroyed large enemy groups, as evidenced, for example, by the defeat of the 330-thousandth group of his troops at Stalingrad. It was a completely new and brilliant page in the world's military history.-

19 Lenin V. I. PSS. Vol. 45, p. 319.

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torii. The work also reflects other aspects of the creative activity of the Supreme High Command of our Armed Forces, which clearly show the superiority of the Soviet military organization, our military art over the art of bourgeois armies, especially the German-fascist one. Taking into account this aspect of the activities of the Soviet Armed Forces is of actual importance for theory and practice in modern conditions.

These are the most important issues explored in the 12-volume History of World War II. Twelve volumes of "History of the Second World War 1939-1945" represent a fundamental scientific research. It significantly enriched Soviet social studies. The facts, evaluative statements, and conclusions presented in it are widely used in teaching, research,and advocacy.

The scientific and organizational work on the creation of this multi-volume work, which made it possible to carry out a complex of scientific, methodological, organizational and publishing activities, is of interest. The Main Editorial Committee, which included prominent scientists and military leaders, supervised the preparation of the work for publication. Its chairmen were members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Minister of Defense of the USSR Marshal of the Soviet Union A. A. Grechko, and then Minister of Defense of the USSR, Marshal of the Soviet Union D. F. Ustinov; deputy chairmen were P. A. Zhilin, E. M. Zhukov, V. G. Kulikov, N. V. Ogarkov, P. N. Fedoseev. The Main Editorial Committee paid great attention to the consideration of scientific problems, the development of agreed views, assessments, and concepts. Under her leadership, scientific reports were prepared and discussed in specially created problem sub-commissions (there were 15 sub-commissions). The commission's meetings reviewed the findings of the conducted studies, developed agreed proposals and recommendations. During the period of preparation of the publication, 42 meetings of the commission were held with the active participation of its members, as well as consultants, members of editorial boards and editorial offices of volumes, representatives of co-implementing institutes and the publishing house.

Military consultants played a significant role in the preparation of labor. Among them - Soviet commanders and military leaders - A. M. Vasilevsky, I. H. Bagramyan, K. S. Moskalenko, P. K. Ponomarenko, P. A. Rotmistrov, V. F. Tolubko, V. I. Chuikov and others.

Editorial boards were created for each volume, which included scientists-specialists on the problems considered in it. The main working body was the editorial offices of volumes as regular scientific and organizational units of the Institute of Military History. They formed author teams, developed structural plans for volumes. Much attention was paid to the creation of author's groups of volumes, which included historians, philosophers, economists, lawyers, military and other specialists. In total, about 400 authors took part in writing the volumes, including 17 academicians and corresponding members of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 380 doctors and candidates of Sciences.

All this made it possible to carry out the publication within nine years (the first volume was published in 1973, and the last-in 1982). The total volume of the work is 700 author's sheets. It contains more than 2,500 documentary photographs, many of which were published for the first time, and 185 color maps. Its circulation - 330 thousand copies-was fully realized by subscription, and the demand for the publication increased from year to year. The work was simultaneously translated and published in five countries: Bulgaria, Hungary, the GDR, Poland, Czechoslovakia-with a circulation of over 100 thousand copies. This is evidenced by more than

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100 reviews in the press, responses from scientific institutions, educational institutions, scientists, readers.

The multi-volume work on the history of the Second World War is a solid basis for further in-depth studies of the historical processes that took place in the war and post-war periods, it exposes the slander and lies spread by the ideologists of anti-Sovietism. On the basis of this work, a number of monographs have already been prepared, including the one-volume book " The Second World War. Results and lessons". Scientists from eight socialist countries, under the guidance of an International Editorial Board, created the work " World War II. A Brief History", published in the USSR in 1984 and published in other socialist countries.

Assessing the state of knowledge of the main problems: the history of the Second World War, paying tribute to the work done by Soviet historians, it should be borne in mind that some of its aspects are not studied with the same depth, a number of issues are waiting for further development. These include, first of all, a comprehensive, in - depth study of military events on the Soviet-German front, the creation of fundamental works on the largest battles and battles of the Great Patriotic War.

In recent years, the attention of scientists to the disclosure of the national character of the Great Patriotic War has increased. However, the published literature on this topic does not yet reflect all the diversity and complexity of the struggle against fascist aggression. One of the main tasks of Soviet historical science is to reconstruct a complete picture of the unprecedented struggle of the Soviet people and their Armed Forces against fascism, to display the immortal feat performed by Soviet people at the front and in the rear in the name of freedom and progress of the socialist Motherland, of all mankind, and to show the sources of our world-historical Victory.

Four decades have passed since the terrible military events... The Soviet people and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union are persistently striving for the consolidation of peace on Earth. This was once again confirmed with great force by the April (1985) Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU. And today we turn to the events of 1939-1945. In order that the world war will never happen again, so that the defeat of fascist Germany and militaristic Japan will serve as an instructive lesson for those who are hatching adventurous plans for a new, much more terrible military tragedy, the current contenders for world domination should not forget that history severely punishes those who who ignores her lessons.

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