The article provides a comprehensive interpretation of a part of the collection of anthropomorphic plastics of the Paleolithic settlement of Malta. Attention is focused on the semiotic explanation of a small group of bone figures and their metric indicators, reflecting the so-called infant body disproportion. Drawing on the results of research related to archeology disciplines (anthropology and ethnography), a new topic for paleoart studies is identified - the image of children.

Key words: Paleolithic art, paleoculture, Palaeolithic childhood culture.

Introduction

If we try to compile a bibliographic reference about the works devoted to the Paleolithic settlement of Malta and the finds from this monument, we will have a weighty volume in our hands. Much has been said and much has been done. Another reference to the materials of Malta seems appropriate only in the context of the hermeneutic attitude, which asserts the fundamental inexhaustibility of the content of any object of research, in our case, the pictorial text of the Paleolithic.

Anthropomorphic figures made of bone from the sites of Malta and Buret in the Angara region have been known for more than half a century. They impress with their stylistic originality, and the history of research - with numerous interpretative concepts. Historiographic analysis allows us to note the active use by domestic researchers of the method of ethnographic parallels, more precisely, the method of illustrative comparison [Shnirelman, 1984, p. 102]. The latter, of course, colorfully demonstrates the potential of archaeological material, but is "dangerous" when reconstructing the semantics of ancient objects. As a result of its use, bone figurines of the Paleolithic era are perceived as the mistress of the elements, the mistress of the animal and natural world, symbols of fertility and everything else that can only be associated with the sphere of activity of a mature woman [Gerasimov, 1931, p. 16; 1958; Ivanov, 1934, 1936, p. 69; 1949, p. 210-212 Gushchin, 1937, p. 107; Abramova, 1962, p. 68; Tokarev, 1961, p. 14-15; 1990, p. 555; Okladnikov, 1949, p. 116; 1967, p. 76-83; Istoriya Sibiri..., 1968, p. 53; Khlobystina, 1987, p. 98-99; Salmoni, 1931, S. 3; Drossier, 1967, S. 83; 1980, S. 167; Hancar, 1940, S. 149; Ozols, 1971, S. 40 - 41]. Given the large number of semantic themes that may clearly reveal the essence of the symbol, it is obvious that their authors are not paying attention to the iconic characteristics of the object under study (Maltese anthropomorphic image): most of them are not suitable for opening a symbol based on formal criteria. Contradictions between an image and its interpretation do not cause much discussion if the specifics of the image (form) find an "echo" in the key topic of the interpretation itself. Thus, the revision of the above-mentioned semantic hypotheses based on the materials of the Western Scientific Journal of the Russian Academy of Sciences.-

European collections of anthropomorphic plastics are impossible: the obese bodies of Venus involuntarily support the themes of "fertility"," mistress-mistress","patroness". But Siberian samples show us completely different forms. In this case, we obviously face a conceptual contradiction. It consists of the following. According to the theory, Paleolithic masters had a special craving for realistic rendering of objects of the natural and social environment. If, for example, they depicted a mammoth or a horse, then the proportions of their bodies were close to normal [Lubin, 1990,1991; Bosinski, 1989, p. 76], if they depicted women, their figures were recognizable, and the specifics of their forms emphasized their content features ("obesity" → "well-being";" pregnancy " → " continuation life", "genetic optimism"). As hermeneutics would say, these texts are unambiguously readable and transparent.

Remaining in the context of discussions about the priority of realism in the visual art of the Paleolithic, let us turn to the Siberian material. The realism of Maltese anthropomorphic images has been repeatedly questioned (mainly by Western researchers). These sculptures are called extremely stylized, schematically and even crudely executed [Napsag, 1940, p. 118; Bandi and Maringer, 1955, p. 30; Graziosi, 1956, p. 22, 43; DroBler, 1980, p.35]. However, the figures of mammoths, swans, and snakes found in Malta are so realistic that it is possible to determine the age, species, and even seasonal characteristics of the animals [Gerasimov, 1931, p.17, 24-25; 1958, p. 39; Napsag, 1940, p. 114]. So, realism is typical for the works of Maltese bone cutters, but not for human images.

Domestic researchers take Maltese realism for granted: no one doubts it, but only until the moment of metrical control of the proportions of the figures. Such a study was conducted by Z. A. Abramova in the 1960s (see, for example, [1966, p. 12; 1987, p. 28-36]). She noted that in all images, without exception, the head is disproportionately large compared to the torso. The fact is interesting, but it did not become a reason for rethinking the content of the material, clarifying its interpretations. Thus, the problem of conditionality of the figurative and thematic boundaries of" Maltese realism " remains open.

Research objectives and methods

The proposed study is unlikely to resolve the cognitive crisis, but a step towards overcoming it may be to increase attention to the interpretation of image details: changing the perception of particulars in the paleoform will allow us to look at its content differently. It is necessary to focus on the metrical features of the anthropomorphic images of Malta. The measurement results grouped in the table will clearly indicate the metric homogeneity of the figures. In this case, millimeter accuracy of measurements is not required, so the illustrations given in the work of Z. A. Abramova [1962, p.85] can be used as a source. The metric characteristics obtained in the course of the study and the identified sign features of images are taken as indicators that are important for interpretation. Taking into account the archaeological context of the finds and data from related disciplines, we will try to give them a possible explanation.

The collections of Malta and Bureti include almost 40 anthropomorphic images. A little more than ten can be involved in the study, the rest are unsatisfactory or presented in fragments.

Discussion

Already the first results showed the presence of a significant number of fractional values, which are more convenient to reduce to integers by the principle of gravitation to a larger conventional unit (see the table).

As it was established during the analysis of specific Maltese figurines, the majority of the head in relation to the body is 1/4. The first result (anticipated by the remark of Z. A. Abramova) is that the Maltese collection is dominated by images of big - headed people. The thesis about the heterogeneity of the collection units by metric indicators is also transferred to the category of facts, which not only excludes formal typologization, but also in the conditions of raising the obtained data to the status of a sign characteristic of images, it does not allow interpreting figures within the same topic.

For further research, such a feature of images as carefully designed facial features may be important. Its discussion began with M. M. Gerasimov's description of the first statuette he found that did not resemble Western European samples: "A broad oval face with a high convex forehead is decorated with a very solid, flattened nose, with well-defined wide nostrils. The eyes are slightly outlined by the protrusion of the brow arches, the mouth is absent, the chin is weakly expressed. The hair is very carefully trimmed, it falls in long wavy strands to the shoulders" [1931, p. 19]. This description draws attention to the author's comments about the style and characteristic details of the image, which may actually be inherent in the prototype.

Results of metric analysis of anthropomorphic images of Malta and Bureti

M. M. Gerasimov noticed them in the transmission of facial features. A. P. Okladnikov said the same thing more vividly: "The face (in the first statuette he discovered. - I. Sh.) is modeled most carefully. It is convex and voluminous in its main details. A small, prominent forehead, prominent cheeks and cheekbones, and a round and softly defined chin are simply but clearly conveyed. The mouth is not marked, but it is "guessed", its absence is not noticeable. As if blurred, softly outlined" Mongolian " nose is sharply limited from below. The eyes are transmitted in the form of narrow almond-shaped depressions. The impression of them is quite unusual: narrow and slanted, they involuntarily evoke the facial features characteristic of the representatives of the Mongolian race" [1941, p. 105].

G. Muller-Karpe, based on the same description, believes that the prototype of the Siberian anthropomorphic images were not representatives of the Mongoloid, but of the African race (Muller-Karpe, 1998, p. 187-188). Foreign researchers who are familiar with Siberian material only from catalogues are particularly interested in the faces of anthropomorphic figures. Some of them even see details that are not present in reality, such as the mouth (Hancar, 1940, p. 117; Bandi and Maringer, 1955, p. 30; Ozols, 1971, p.36).

Continuing the research, we note once again the following: we are analyzing a group of images of big-headed people with not fully developed, but realistic facial features. Taking these features as denotative characteristics of images and proceeding to their explanation, it is important to remember that we are talking only about a numerically limited group of preserved anthropomorphic figures. This will not allow us to bring the interpretative hypothesis in relation to them to the level of generally valid concepts, or to use generally accepted art and cultural criteria for explanations.

So, trying to understand the features of "Maltese realism", we will not rush to accuse the master of inattention to the observance of proportions -

the visual ensemble of the monument also includes examples that are ideal from the point of view of paleorealism. In this case, it is impossible to exclude purposeful distortion in the transmission of certain details. If the artistic disparity is not accidental, then the idea of the reasons for its existence can be developed in several directions. Let us assume that body disproportion as a certain kind of phenomenon occurred from time to time in groups of primitive people. Its appearance can be explained by a genetic disorder in the development of the body, for example, macrocephaly. Both history and ethnography have plenty of examples where societies have paid more attention to abnormalities in body structure. I'm sure you can also find pictorial examples of their fixation. According to some experts, the big head could be not only a special case, but also the norm. This is recalled by the re-emerging discussion of Homo capensis (Lynch and Granger, 2008).

Let's pay attention to the possibility of fixing the ontologically determined disproportion of the human body by Maltese bone cutters. Let's start with a brief postnatal reference. From the moment of birth to the end of the first one and a half to two years of life, a person's head is 1/3-1/4 of the length of the entire body (Zimmer, 1996, p. 75). Such proportions are also typical for the Maltese-Buret anthropomorphic images. Remaining on the position of paleorealism, we record an unusual fact for paleoart studies-the presence of images of young children in the Paleolithic. They are rare, but according to some researchers, they are still present. For example, Pavlov's clay sculptures, which do not show the characteristics characteristic of an adult's body, were interpreted by Klima as images of children (Klima, 1989, p.89). They also offered an unusual explanation for the engravings of the "dancing people" from Gennersdorf: the figures, probably women, are depicted with knots on their backs, resembling African headscarves-headbands for carrying children. The researcher finds it possible to perceive these subjects as an image of a mother with a child attached to her back [Ibid., p. 77].

The validity of the proposed interpretations is supported by ethnographic data illustrating the complex relationship between a person who has taken place in a culture and "arrived" in it. The materialized symbolic world of childhood is as big as the world of adults. Its function is, on the one hand, to protect the newborn from all kinds of external influences, on the other - to protect the space from the baby.

In traditional societies, both the birth process and the newborn are often seen as something dangerous that threatens the harmonious order of things [Ploss and Barrels, 1913, p.10-13]. What is produced by a woman is not a "ready-made" person, but can only become one if certain rules are observed. But the transformation is not always successful. The deceased infant, as well as its cradle and afterbirth, are passed on to the spirit world. The bodies of miscarriages and "toothless" are immured in tree hollows and drowned in a swamp [Gemuev, 1980, p. 135; Golovnev, 1995, p. 278, 506]*.

Babies are dangerous not only because they are not "human", but also because they bring with them: they can attract forces that are hostile to humans. Overcoming the dangerous phase of a child's development is lengthy and requires a number of precautions. For "safe" communication with infants, there are specially created "barrier objects": knives for cutting the umbilical cord, vessels for storing the afterbirth, tubes for pouring water during bathing, cradles, etc. [Ploss and Barrels, 1913, S. 410, 414; Abb. 564 - 565, 568 - 569].

The above may call into question the popular thesis about the non - existence of infants-they are not protected from "no one" in all possible ways; they are closely monitored. Any reaction of the child is regarded as a significant phenomenon. Interpretation of the signals given to them corrects the attitude towards the child; the culture begins to "read" him, recognizing him as one of its own or leaving him in the group of strangers. For example, in the tribes of the northern tip of Ivory Island, a child is not a member of the collective until he reaches out to the common pot of "normal" food. From this time, his life begins to count down, the baby is given a name. A child is introduced to the cauldron at two or three years of age (Hartge, 1983, p.104). In other societies, the moment when a child walks on their own is considered a significant turning point (Schomerus-Gernbock, 1983, p.186) or when they have teeth (Yegorova, 2009, p. 60-62). There are many examples, and all of them demonstrate the development of "human potential"in a small creature. Psychophysical changes become apparent around the age of two or three. A small person is finally accepted into the team during the first initiations. His name will be changed or supplemented, his existence will become known to society (elders, ancestors, etc.), and he will be seen not only as an anthropological match to the image of a person, but also as a social entity, a representative of culture. It is interesting that the iconic expression of a "real person" goes primarily through the mouth: he

* It can be noted that this is typical not only for North Asian, but also for South Asian ethnic groups (Battels, 1893, p. 18-19).

he joins the world through his mouth - he begins to eat normal food, he has teeth, and through speech he demonstrates the richness of his own world to his fellow tribesmen and relatives. The significance of this part of the body can be traced to Neolithic materials: ceramic vessels have richly decorated corolla area, which is touched by the lips. The decor protects the "border of worlds" in the place where they touch, come into contact with each other. As a result of contact, the vessel, figuratively speaking, "gives" life (or something else). Acceptance of the gift is carried out through the mouth, which emphasizes the specificity of the oral cavity [Etingen, 2006, pp. 219-225]. For intuitive reasons, Maltese figurines depicting the disparity of infant bodies could have been created without the mouth image. They are embodiments of "potential people" who do not speak, do not have contact with the world, as a cultured person does.

Thus, the appearance of children's images and their figurative features can be explained in ethnographic data. But we are working with archaeological material, which is characterized by the lack of "panoramic" details of the culture. Is it possible in this situation to talk about childhood in the Paleolithic era? Malta, in my opinion, is one of the few monuments that allows you to do this.

The perception of Maltese anthropomorphic figures as images of children becomes possible thanks to another "character" of the figurative ensemble of the monument-a wingless," flawed " bird. In one of the previous reports on ornithomorphic images from the parking lot (Schmidt, 2008), I pointed out the need to interpret the figurative pair (and not individual images) - a bird with clipped wings and an anthropomorphic image. According to a number of signs, they are semiotic to each other: both are" markers " of the settlement; they could be located in dwellings, outside them, in a space enclosed by stone slabs; holes for hanging are located in the lower part of the figurines; figurines were left on a monument abandoned by a group of people, as objects that obviously already fulfilled their function role. This is the archaeological context that influences the interpretation of unusual images. The very connection between the anthropo - and ornithomorphic images has a special character. Let's try to open it.

The first thing to keep in mind when discussing the content of a strange pair is that it is no longer a bird and not yet a human: both components, each in its own way, indicate the "halfness", transitivity, "transformation" of one form into another. Given the attachment of these symbols to each other and to the world of people, let's assume that their content corresponded to the needs and aspirations for a certain form/content of the person himself. Perhaps these objects helped transform "something" into a person, marked the sequence of its transformation from an otherworldly being into a social being, and they were both magically strong and full of grace accompanying signs of the "dangerous" process.

The sign-symbolic sphere of transformation-transition surrounding the little creature was aimed at keeping it in the world of the "living" and rebirth into a full-fledged member of the collective. At the stage of early childhood, people are similar to each other; after birth, everyone's life develops according to one of two scenarios - survival (life) or early death. Therefore, the symbolism surrounding them cannot be figuratively and semiotically diverse*. Everything is subordinated to the "subhuman" desire for human life. He needed to "get" a soul and find the strength to resist everything that brings death (in the understanding of this phenomenon by society). This extra-chronological and extra-cultural attitude is captured in the "Maltese text". In subsequent times, it was repeated in different cultures, changing only a few details and, perhaps, the nature of their internal connection. Here are some examples from various fields - mythological, ethnographic, and archaeological.

Mythology. Various peoples have mythological ideas about the soul-bird. This is the soul of the embryo, and sometimes the soul of the child up to a year. At the moment of "opening the worlds", the soul in the form of a bird descends to earth; worlds are opened at the time of arrival and departure of migratory birds* * [Golovnev, 1995, p. 315, 413, 506]. Once in a woman, this entity gives birth to the child's life. If the child died before the age of one, then its bird-soul returned to the world of unborn souls and after a while could re-inhabit the mother (see: [Myths of the Peoples of the World, 1997, p. 347]).

* Note that within the framework of one cultural tradition, the sign-symbolic sphere will have one set of images, while within the framework of another - a different one.

** If a person died or was born in another period of the year that is not related to bird migrations, then the soul's departure or meeting is postponed to the next month of bird movement [Golovnev, 1995, p. 353]. Thus, birth does not mean an instant acquisition of the soul, it can keep itself waiting. Probably, long waits for the soul could be undesirable, and since the birds were "engaged" in souls, then perhaps non-migratory birds were also asked for a gift. This would explain the image-specific diversity of the collection of ornithomorphic images from the Paleolithic period of Northern Asia. But we do not have enough facts to support this statement.

Ethnography. Some subjects from the world of material culture of northern societies are in tune with mythological texts. "... Mothers sew sahi (warm fur coats) for their children from teal skins mashed and cleaned with birch shavings ... " [Golovnev, 1995, p.353]. The fact that a child wears clothes "made from a bird" (it protects well from both cold and moisture) can be seen not only as an element of rational practice, but also as a symbolic expression of the close connection between a bird and a child. Obviously, the significance of their relationship is already extremely reduced and is reduced only to environmental convenience, but it has not disappeared.

The Nenets, making dolls for their children, used as the head of the figurine the upper beak of a waterfowl with a piece of frontal skin. The head of male dolls was made from the beak of a goose, and female dolls were made from the beak of a duck. Dolls - "babies", which were placed in a small toy cradle, are a small rag bundle or a small swaddled beak (Malygina, 1988, p. 130). A small child dressed in a dress "made of a bird" is not only protected by it, but can also be completely replaced by it, become it itself in a different cultural dimension.

Archeology. Archaeological materials also indicate a close relationship between the child and the bird that once existed. For example, in the monuments of the Middle Bronze Age catacomb culture carriers of the Central Ciscaucasia, models of clay cradles were found among the accompanying inventory of buried children (up to 12-13 years old). They were surrounded by bird bones (Kalmykov, 2007). Anthropomorphic figures made from bird bones and placed in clay cradles were found in some burials. In some cases, bird bones were substituted for anthropomorphic images [Ibid., pp. 132-133]. Simplifying the plot of the funeral practice, we will pay attention only to the "text" that interests us: a bird's bone (bird); an anthropomorphic figurine, often made from a bird's bone; a cradle connecting these two participants (a bird and a human image), and the remains of a child.

Different epochs, archaeological cultures and cultural spheres, but unchanged in the iconic set of "text": a bird, an anthropomorphic image and a child. Taking into account the development of any tradition, it is acceptable to assume that in the Paleolithic ,the "text" had content features, but, of course, was connected with the child, providing ("setting up") his being.

The above suggests that in the Upper Paleolithic period, the groups that inhabited the Angara region depicted the infant's soul as its "bearer-giver". In order to keep this "mobile carrier", a magical act was performed* - he was depicted with clipped wings or wingless-with signs of "heavenly nature", but deprived of freedom of movement. The figurine belonged to a specific infant and accompanied it up to a certain age or until a tragic combination of circumstances (death) at the first stage of its life, which, judging by archaeological and ethnographic sources, was not uncommon [Hartge, 1983, p. 106; Buzhilova, 2004a, b].

It is difficult to say how long a person remained under the "power of the bird". This may have continued until the moment when the "body" began to transform into a "person", while simultaneously acquiring skills and characteristics, reactions and abilities of a social unit, and certain signs (physical or behavioral) indicating a break in connection with other worlds. At this time, the magically active sign-symbolic environment * * was also changing. The symbol of the bird gave way to a symbol that figuratively resembled a person, but "unfinished", "not fully finished" - the figure of a disproportionately built person without a mouth. The status of "human" brought with it independence from the world of unified symbols that accompanied the first transition periods that were equally dangerous for everyone. But the primary symbolic pair for each member of the Maltese collective that appeared was determined not by their abilities and characteristics, but by the traditions of the group.

A certain similarity in pragmatics ("fate")is also explicable the images we are considering. As noted, the figures gradually lost their relevance. These images, which belonged to the border world (being its "guardians"), were doomed to remain in it (or return there): most of the images of birds are taken out of the world of people, dwellings; some are placed in so-called stone boxes, resembling the only burial in the settlement***. Action figures

* I propose to consider the concept of "magic" and its derivatives in the context of the work of M. Moss [2000].

** The "spiritualized body" may not have been transformed into a "normal" person; this was prevented by abnormalities in anatomical or intellectual development, dumbness, deafness, or blindness. In infancy, these shortcomings may go unnoticed, but later they are explained by the lack of a sign-symbolic protective sphere surrounding the child.

*** In this case, the funerary structure, perhaps on a reduced "symbolic" scale, may have served or served as a necessary passage to the other world. In order to return to their familiar environment, the image products had to be buried. It is difficult to judge whether they left with the babies to whom they belonged, or whether they could have had their own separate burial complex.

children, on the other hand, were more likely to stay in the housing zone, probably having more rights to do so.

The place of the unified symbol was taken by the individual symbol. He constantly presented the owner, followed him. Only the symbols of the "early transition" were "forgotten" - due to either their irrelevance or their attachment to the owners, whose bodies left no traces. Given the predominance of symbols of "soul retention" and "early childhood" in Siberian settlements, it can be assumed that they somehow lost their owners and turned out to be unnecessary for other members of the collective.

Criticism of this assumption is possible, and it is partly given in the text of the article. But in this case, it was not a question of reconstructing a certain cultural reality of the Paleolithic. It is also difficult to judge the typicality of what was revealed - other monuments may not have such a symbolic "text" (for a number of reasons). In this paper, an attempt is made to explain the preserved "textual" phenomena localized within the Maltese archaeological complex.

Conclusion

Serially presented images of birds and humans have been found on the Siberian Paleolithic monument Malta. These items, apparently, belonged to specific age groups of the generic organization: "wingless swan" - for infants of an early age, figurines that convey infant body disproportion - for older children. The results of the study suggest that these objects accompanied and in a certain way contributed to the "transition" of an individual from one world (age category) to another, " keeping "his soul in the world of people," protecting " him from the harsh realities of everyday life*. In this regard, these images can be conditionally called magical amulets of the postnatal and early periods of the Maltese's life. With the moment of his growing up, they gradually lost their relevance and fell out of the figurative and symbolic sphere of an adult.

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 22.09.08.

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