Libmonster ID: CN-1323
Author(s) of the publication: J. M. BERGER


Doctor of Historical Sciences


Six decades is a small segment of China's multi-thousand-year history. But it is hardly an exaggeration to say that in terms of its significance for the country, and for the whole of humanity, it can be put at least on a par with the most fateful stages in the formation and development of the great Chinese civilization. The path that the country has taken over the past 60 years has not been easy or easy. China has persistently sought a model of development that would allow it to solve the problems of centuries of backwardness and oppression and once again rise to the heights that it reached in its heyday.

The search wasn't always successful. More than once it led to a dead end, from which it was necessary to get out at the cost of huge losses, especially in the first 3 decades. However, then the tests became more careful, and the errors were not so dramatic. And, most importantly, the experience of making decisions, although not one hundred percent perfect, but, without a doubt, those that brought more positive fruits than negative ones, to the overwhelming majority of the nation as a whole and to the individual.


Perhaps one of the main keys to the successful development of the country in the second half of the sixties was the refusal to unconditionally follow a priori ideological dogmas. The most important touchstone on which the ideas of transformation were tested and honed was practice.

Deng Xiaoping stopped the fierce arguments of party theorists regarding the exclusively capitalist ownership of the market. It was recognized that a market economy can be either capitalist or socialist. Therefore, the effectiveness and usefulness of certain reforms should not be judged by the extent to which they correspond to certain abstract ideals. The main thing is how much closer they are to solving specific problems within the framework of a general rational strategy. Hence, the measure of the order of certain market transformations is their economic efficiency, while the ideological demand is put on the 2nd place.

The first steps to liberate oneself from the dictates of ideology were taken in the second half of the 70s of the XX century.

After the demise of Mao Zedong in 1976, the highest party, military and state power was for several years in the hands of his official successor, Hua Guofeng, who called for " resolutely supporting all the decisions of Chairman Mao and consistently following the instructions of Chairman Mao." Two years later, at the 3rd plenum of the 11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), which is the starting point for reform and openness, this double maxim disappeared. It was replaced by Deng Xiaoping's thesis " practice is the only criterion for truth."

At that time, the first broad campaign for the "liberation of consciousness"was launched. It has essentially created the necessary psychological prerequisites for the start of economic reforms. Without a serious cleaning up of the legacy of the Cultural Revolution and some earlier political and ideological attitudes, no market reforms in the economy would have been possible. In the course of this campaign, it was possible to get rid of some of the most harmful dogmas for social development, although, of course, not all ideological blinders and shackles could be removed relatively quickly and painlessly.

First of all, such fundamental concepts of Maoism as a bet on class struggle and "continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat"were revised. Important changes in the theory and practice of Maoism were made in the late 70s and early 80s by the transformation of the rural economy, which was largely initiated from below. At the same time, it should be noted that all this purifying work was carried out without any debunking of the cult of Mao Zedong himself.

Both Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping and their like-minded colleagues understood that almost the only reserve that China could use to make a leap into the future was millions of hardworking and undemanding workers. However, considerations regarding their best use have changed significantly over time. For Mao Zedong, the main road was to socialize the labor and everyday life of the "masses" of the countryside and city as widely as possible, and to remove them from petty individualistic concerns and concerns.-

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focusing efforts on the direct creation of the common good. This path led to crushing failures, famine and devastation-first due to the "great leap forward" of the late 50s-early 60s, and then again in the second half of the 60s-first half of the 70s due to the "cultural revolution", which for a decade disorganized public life in the United States. country.

Having learned the lessons of defeat, Deng Xiaoping and his followers decided to rely primarily on personal and private interests to achieve national goals. The "liberation of consciousness" made it possible to abandon the total nationalization of the economic life of society and set a course for creating a much more viable and dynamic economy, in which various forms of ownership coexist and develop: state and private, collective and individual.

At the same time, economic and then political autarky ended. China has moved away from the Maoist concept of "self-reliance"step by step. Attracting foreign capital and foreign technology allowed China to become a "global factory", take the 3rd place in the world in terms of foreign trade and the 1st - in terms of gold and foreign exchange reserves, and then increasingly combine the import of capital with its export.

The process of "consciousness liberation" in China is constant and continuous, but it can hardly be called comprehensive. Most of all, it affects economic relations, to a lesser extent - ideology and politics. A number of dogmas concerning the history of the ruling party, its foundations, and its place in the country's political system are mostly taboo. The proclamation of the socialist orientation of market transformations and the social structure as a whole remains unshakable.


The content of Chinese reforms is based on the fundamental needs of the country's development, and the methods and forms of their implementation largely bear the imprint of its historical, cultural, civilizational, and geopolitical features. Most of all, this concerns the interaction of the state and the market.

The idea of modernizing the country under the auspices of a strong national government was born in China in the second half of the XIX century. Since then, she has taken on different guises. The new wave reformers who came to power in the late 1970s are credited with using the market and participation in globalization to achieve this goal. Modernization of the economy and society is thus carried out through the interaction of the state and the market, government and business. Under the influence of such cooperation, the authoritarian power itself is also being modernized, gaining a legal basis and some rudiments of democracy.

The gradual introduction of internal and external market mechanisms to improve the competitiveness of enterprises and the national economy as a whole implies a progressive reduction in the functions of the state in micro - and macroeconomics, and then in the socio-political sphere. This process is progressing not only due to the subjective desires of the authorities, their willingness to limit themselves, but also objectively, due to changes in the social structure under the influence of market transformations. The maturation of social groups with their own specific interests in society contributes to the formation of institutions with the ability to self-regulate, and ultimately can lead to the emergence of a civil society.

At the same time, the state remains strong enough throughout the reformist course to outline the limits of the market's competence, correct its mistakes, and ensure public order, social stability, and security. The power of power rests not on the power of the repressive apparatus, but on its legitimacy. In other words, it depends on the extent to which the country's citizens, the majority of the people, are not alienated from the government, how much its aspirations meet their interests and aspirations, and how effective the feedback between the government and society is.

The primacy of economic reforms in comparison with political reforms made it possible to achieve the maximum possible liberalization of the economy while maintaining the authoritarian nature of the government. This order of priorities was fundamentally opposed to the Maoist primacy of politics over economics. Politics was transformed from an end to a means, and the development of the economy became the primary goal.

Chinese reforms are being implemented in a complex way, complementing each other, creating the necessary conditions and prerequisites for each other.

A typical example in this regard is the reform of the public sector of the economy. Having abandoned shock therapy and the simultaneous privatization of state property, China has chosen a long but more gentle path to gradually rid state - owned enterprises of the vices that determine their low efficiency, first of all-from an excess of labor and from the burden of social obligations.

Many millions of employees have left the public sector. But they weren't thrown out on the street. Many have passed the pe-

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retrained, improved their skills, or got a new profession. Others were able to find work in the private sector, which began to grow rapidly in parallel with the reorganization of state-owned enterprises. To this end, the state gradually weakened administrative, ideological, socio-psychological and economic obstacles to private capital, and created a legislative framework for protecting private property. As a result, it was the private sector that became the reservoir that was able to absorb a huge army of surplus workers from the state economy. When the scale of the public sector itself was reduced to the necessary minimum, when it became more transparent, reduced losses and even began to make a profit, it was opened, for the most part, for corporatization, to attract investment from the strengthened private sector and foreign capital.


As China continually deepens its market transformation, it is moving from relatively simple reforms to more complex ones. So, the accumulation of experience with the relatively simple distribution of household work in the village allowed us to move on to higher-order innovations in the city economy. Many changes are first piloted in one or more regions of the country and only then implemented on a national scale. Documents on a number of major institutional changes take years, sometimes decades, to develop and are implemented initially, often in the form of drafts, which are then supplemented and corrected.

The institutions created in the course of economic reform, at the initial stages, are often far from ideal. Intermediate and transitional forms are widely used. Over time, such institutions can improve and get rid of some of the most obvious shortcomings. But, most importantly, having fulfilled their purpose, they give way to more advanced models.

The current paradigm of economic growth, based on the use of so-called comparative advantages, which since the beginning of the reforms and until recently were considered cheap labor and cheap or free natural resources, is also a transitional one. In the long run, it should be replaced by a different paradigm, which will rely much more on knowledge, innovation, resource savings and a friendly environment. A strong reliance on external markets will be balanced by a greater focus on the development of domestic consumption.

For a long time, the reform of the social sphere was delayed in comparison with the reform of the economy. Only a relatively small proportion of workers and their families were covered by old-age, sickness and unemployment insurance. The cost of treatment and education for children was a heavy burden on family budgets. The need to pay more attention to increasing domestic consumption, including due to the reduction of foreign markets due to the global financial and economic crisis, stimulated the growth of government spending on social needs and the implementation of necessary reforms in education and health care.

Improving education is becoming an important part of the country's socio-economic strategy, a prerequisite for the transition to a knowledge society and building an innovative state.

In April 2009, important decisions were made on the development of healthcare. For the period 2009 - 2011, it is planned to cover all urban and rural populations with basic medical guarantees. It is planned to launch a reform of state medical institutions aimed at improving the management and control of their activities and improving the quality of services provided by them. It is planned to allocate 850 billion rubles for these measures over 3 years. RMB*.


Step by step, the People's Republic of China is groping its way to modernize the political system, which would correspond to its cultural and historical traditions, national specifics, the gigantic scale of the population and colossal internal differences.

China usually borrows other people's ideas, norms and institutions in a highly transformed, adapted form. Western-style political democratization, as the practice of many developing countries has shown, does not eliminate social inequality, economic instability, and corruption. For China, the uncompromising confrontation of various political forces at the present stage of its development could bring even more disastrous results, up to complete disintegration and disintegration of the country, possibly in an even worse scenario than that which took place in the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia.

The founders of the new deal in China began to talk about the need for serious political reforms almost simultaneously with the beginning of structural reforms in the economy. Deng Xiaoping saw the fundamental flaw of the political system in the excessive concentration of power. A situation in which all power was concentrated in the hands of the top, in the hands of the party committees and personally in the hands of the first secretary, while all others were excluded from participating in decision - making, from his point of view, inevitably generates bureaucracy and leads to mistakes.1

In the early stages of the reformist course, the main emphasis was placed on democratic innovations in the ruling party. Their main motivation was to prevent the restoration of the dictatorial regime that prevailed in the 50s and 60s. In August 1980. Deng Xiaoping proclaimed the need to reform the system of party and state leadership. The main content of this course was to be the fight against bureaucracy and patriarchy, the separation of powers, collective leadership, and the abolition of life sentences.-

* 1 yuan in August 2009 was about $0.146.

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the development of internal party democracy and the separation of the functions of the party and the Government.

The 12th CPC National Congress in 1982 abolished the posts of Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the CPC Central Committee. The charter approved by the Congress entrusted the General Secretary with directing the activities of this body. The regularity of holding party forums was restored, the procedure for life-long tenure in leadership positions was abolished, and the practice of periodic renewal and rejuvenation of senior employees was introduced.

Certain changes in the early 1980s also took place outside the ruling party. Direct elections were introduced to the assemblies of People's representatives of administrative divisions from the county and below, and indirect elections to higher - level legislative bodies. The legislative activity of the National People's Congress (NPC) has intensified. Provincial assemblies gained the right to pass regional laws. The duration of tenure in senior positions was limited to 2 terms. The activities of political advisory councils and 8 small parties, which were interrupted for many years of social devastation, resumed.

Steps were taken to distinguish between the competence of the ruling party and State bodies. The urgency of this problem was noted by Deng Xiaoping as early as in the period leading up to the 3rd Plenum of the CPC Central Committee of the 11th convocation in 1978.In his closing speech at the closing session of the CPC Central Committee workshop, he first criticized the CCP's long-standing practice of unlimited omnipotence and direct interference in everything and everything. 2 The communique on the work of the 3rd plenum of the CPC Central Committee of the 11th convocation stated the need to preserve the unified leadership of the party, put an end to the merging of the party, the government and enterprises, and the substitution of the party for the government and the government for enterprises.

At the XIII CPC Congress in 1987, specific projects were proposed for the functional and personnel separation of the party and the state. It provided, in particular, for the complete release of party bodies from administrative functions, with the transfer of these functions to government bodies and the gradual abolition of party committees in these bodies. The vertical subordination of party committees was to be gradually replaced by a horizontal, territorial subordination. A course was taken to separate party and economic and administrative powers at enterprises and institutions, and to support unity of command.

These measures began to be implemented. However, the external and internal conditions for their consistent implementation deteriorated sharply in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The collapse of the world socialist system has begun in the international arena. A student movement rose up inside the country, demanding the immediate democratization of the political regime. After its suppression on June 4, 1989, many political reforms were stalled. Recalling the events of 20 years ago, some former student protest leaders now recognize that democracy in China can only be introduced gradually, as the necessary socio-economic conditions and prerequisites are created.3

Since the beginning of the 1990s, when market-based economic reforms began to accelerate in the country, the lag in political transformation has become more pronounced. As one of China's most liberally oriented political scientists, the late Li Shenzhi, has pointed out, it is immeasurably more difficult to implement political reform in China than economic reform. Although China did not have a modern market economy, the primary relationship of purchase and sale existed for thousands of years, and some Chinese were quite successful in commerce. In politics, however, there was only a dictate of power. Traditional Chinese culture is alien to the concept of human rights. Today, it has to be instilled, including in order to interact on equal terms with the rest of the world, catch up with advanced countries, and then try to surpass them.4

In 2008, a book was published in China outlining the prospects for political reform until 2020 and 2040.5 The book attracted particular attention because it was published under the auspices of the Central Party School of the CPC Central Committee (CCP), and, therefore, the ideas expressed by its authors are in tune with the ideas of the top leadership. (The post of CPSU rector is traditionally held by the second person in the CCP, potentially the most likely candidate for the next general secretary: under Jiang Zemin, it was Hu Jintao, and now it is Xi Jinping.)

One of the main theses developed by the authors is that further economic reforms face difficulties that cannot be resolved without a deep reorganization of the political system. First of all, we are talking about changing the paradigm of economic growth. The current paradigm, which relies mainly on heavy industry to the detriment of the development of the service sector, large enterprises and large capital, is associated with excessive consumption of raw materials and energy and causes great damage to the environment.

The future paradigm should be much more based on innovation. Political reform should promote urbanisation and address employment problems when large numbers of peasants move to cities. Such a reform is also intended to unleash the innovative initiative of society, removing from its path the corruption-fueling procedures of administrative permits, registration, penalties, and taxes. It is necessary to create a system of checks and balances that includes the people, the legislative assembly, the executive branch and the courts. It is proposed to reduce the size of the NPC in order to increase the effectiveness of discussions.

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It is also planned to ensure the unhindered development of popular organizations, increase the democratic awareness of the masses and form a civil society.


The policy pursued by the PRC in the second half of its 60-year existence is called the course of reform and openness. This policy, which was proclaimed in 1978 at the 3rd Plenum of the 11th CPC Central Committee, brought the country into the process of globalization.

The Chinese approach to globalization, as well as to reform, is characterized by consistency and consistency. Openness to the outside world is carried out purposefully, but gradually, step by step - both in structural, sectoral and territorial terms.

The investment climate model used by China gave foreign investors tangible advantages over domestic ones - in order to encourage the flow of advanced technologies and modern managerial experience to the country. The first to take advantage of these advantages was the Chinese diaspora, which began to establish its own enterprises on the continent, employing local workers to produce cheap products for export. Then their example was followed by the vast majority of foreign companies that are world-famous.

In the 80s and early 90s of the last century, foreign investment came to China almost exclusively from Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. In the 1990s, capital investments from Japan, the United States, and Europe, including major high-tech companies, also began to grow. China has established enterprises and branches of 480 of the 500 largest multinational companies (TNCs). Among them, for example, are all the leading automotive corporations, 90 of the 100 most important manufacturers of goods and services based on information technology.

In the early 1980s, four very small special economic zones (SEZs) were established in the south of the country, not far from Hong Kong. In 1985, the privileges of such zones were extended to more extensive areas in the Yangtze and Zhujiang River deltas. In April 1988, Hainan Island became the largest FEZ in the country. In 1990, the same treatment was granted to a new area of Shanghai - Pudong.

Just as gradually, certain branches of the processing industry began to be opened up to foreign capital. Since China was in dire need of food and clothing at that time, the food, textile, and clothing industries became priorities for attracting foreign investors.

In 2001, China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO), which meant lifting many restrictions on foreign capital inflows to China. 5 years after joining the WTO, China opened up its entire territory and all sectors of the economy to foreign capital.

The forms of attracting foreign investors also changed. Initially, mixed enterprises with foreign and Chinese capital were created. Then companies with exclusively foreign investments began to dominate.

Most of all, China has benefited from globalization in the economic sphere. It has become the largest recipient of foreign investment. A variety of Chinese products have occupied important niches in the markets of many countries. Many of them today are almost as good in quality as their Western counterparts, but they are much cheaper for customers. The country has accumulated the world's largest gold and foreign exchange reserves - more than $2 trillion, without taking into account the considerable gold and foreign exchange reserves of Hong Kong.

Of course, these impressive results have their downside. The technologies that China receives from abroad are mainly suitable for assembly, "screwdriver" production. As a rule, key technologies remain the property of foreign firms operating in China. It is no coincidence that one of the main theses of the 17th Congress of the Communist Party of China, held in the fall of 2007, was the call to create domestic technologies.

Dependence on the state of global markets and risks associated with fluctuations in the global economic and political environment have significantly increased. The ratio of foreign trade to national GDP in China is several times higher than in Japan, the United States, and India.

External economic tensions are increasing due to competition for creating and maintaining jobs and for access to sources of increasingly scarce raw materials and energy. Anti-dumping, anti-subsidy, and anti-protectionist investigations are increasingly being initiated against China. Pressure is growing on China, primarily from the United States, to encourage it to revalue its currency, as the low official exchange rate is considered one of the main sources of cheap Chinese goods on world markets.

China seeks to optimize the pros and cons of globalization and minimize them. The main thing here is to open up your economy to the outside world and preserve your own specifics and sovereignty. China sees globalization not as a path leading to the erosion of national characteristics, but, on the contrary, as a means to revive the Chinese nation and strengthen its influence in the world. China not only follows the rules set by the West, but also seeks to have its say, to change these rules in its own interests.

The main problem facing the Chinese leadership in the ideological field: how to combine the policy of modernization and globalization of the country with the preservation of traditional values and traditional culture.

The preservation of certain traditions is just as necessary for society as the willingness to progress. Without them, especially during the transition period, it is impossible to ensure the sustainability of society. Reforms and openness to the outside world alone, without the necessary cultural counterbalance, can tip the social ship. Only a reasonable combination of a certain conservatism and progressive modernization allows you to avoid unnecessarily abrupt and abrupt changes. Therefore

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China is looking for its own specific path that would allow preserving the most important achievements of the national culture and civilization, while at the same time not leading the country off the road of modernization.

In an effort to create its own model of such a combination, China sees it as its "soft power", as a means to ensure its influence on the world, as a specific Chinese contribution to determining the future path of globalization.


The main vector of global reconstruction, from Beijing's point of view, today is the movement from the unipolarity of the world, established as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union, to multipolarity. The main role in this process is played by large States that are striving to become new global or, at least, regional poles. Among them, China includes itself, as well as other rapidly growing states. Relying on rapid economic growth, scientific and technological progress, and an increasing military potential, such states are multiplying their combined national power, which in the not very distant future may become comparable to the power of the current world leaders.

The situation that China calls "one superpower, many powers" - and Chao do qiang-can persist for quite a long time if the rivalry remains within the framework of rational competition, despite the fact that each of the major powers will pursue its own goals. Accordingly, Beijing sees one of its main tasks in building diverse ties with each of the major players - with Russia, the UES, Japan, India and, of course, with the United States. These ties are defined in different ways: as "strategic", "constructive", "comprehensive" or "friendly" partnership or dialogue, but they do not fall into the category of an alliance. Such relations should not lead to the formation of blocks that are considered to belong to the Cold War era that has passed away. Bilateral cooperation cannot be directed against a third party. At the same time, it coexists with competition, and the presence of contradictions does not cancel out concessions and compromises. From China's point of view, partnership of various levels lays the foundation for a new world order and creates prerequisites for the transition to a harmonious world.

In recent years, Western countries, recognizing China's growing weight in the global economy and politics, have sought to involve it in solving complex international problems, such as countering terrorism or non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Moreover, some Western experts believe that the transition from an American-led world order (Pax Americana) to a Chinese-led world order (Pax Sinica) has begun. In relation to China, it is also becoming increasingly fashionable in the West to use the title of superpower, which puts it on the same level as the United States. So, Newsweek magazine met 2008 with a double issue, the main theme of which was the rhetorical question " What's next? China".

The magazine's editor - in-chief, Fareed Zakaria, said that China's rise to superpower status is no longer a forecast, but a reality. However, he added that this status is very fragile and that it should be treated very carefully - both by China itself and by the established superpower - the United States.

As for the cooperation and rivalry between the two most important players on the world stage, quite different opinions are expressed in the United States and China. Prominent figures such as the President of the World Bank (WB) R. Zoellick (in the recent past - US Deputy Secretary of State, who oversaw US policy towards China), together with the vice-president and chief economist of this body, representative of the People's Republic of China Lin Yifu, are convinced that the revival of the world economy after the global financial and economic crisis depends on there are 6 of these two countries.

The same line is continued by an article written by Lin Yifu in collaboration with another high-ranking WB official, M. Dailami. Referring to the results of numerous US-China meetings held in early 2009 on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the normalization of relations between the United States and China, they convince readers that the interaction of these two states depends not only on the growth and stability of the world economy, but also on the peace and security of the entire planet.7 The desire to harmonize China's national interests with those of the United States was also reflected in the concept of the "big two" - G-2-and the concept of Chimerica8.

However, in China itself, these metaphors, as well as the idea of the "big two", were perceived as a new strategy designed to block the path to China's rise. The only difference, said Qian Wenrong, an expert on the United States and the United Nations at Xinhua News Agency, is that Chimerica is more than openly trying to make China an appendage of the United States. The "Chinese production-American consumption" scheme is a temporary phenomenon. A marriage alliance between-

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it can't be between them. There are structural contradictions between China and the United States, reflecting the objective opposition of their social system and ideology. "The US attitude towards China as its main rival and potential threat has not changed and cannot change," the Chinese expert concludes.9

China still considers itself a developing country. And there are good reasons for this. Despite all its undoubted achievements, China is not even among the top 100 countries in terms of the most important economic indicator - the production of GDP per capita 10. A relatively small part of the country's population has access to the comfortable lifestyle that has become the property of the vast majority of people in Western countries. There are still huge gaps in the level of well-being of residents of the city and village, coastal and inland territories. Much remains to be done to guarantee equal access to quality educational and health services for all.

China's rapid emergence as one of the world's largest economies makes it a leading regional power in Asia. Hong Kong's Wenhuibao newspaper recently wrote that China's transformation into the leader of Asia is a historical necessity. Although Japan is still slightly ahead of China in terms of GDP, this situation will not last long. And the main thing is that Japan's economy, like the rest of East and Southeast Asia, is increasingly dependent on China.

China's role and importance in the global economy is likely to increase significantly as a result of the global crisis. Its influence in international financial institutions will increase. The yuan will strive to become the 3rd reserve currency, equal in value to the dollar and the euro. Renminbi instruments may gradually become one of the most popular in all countries of the world, and Shanghai may become the most important global financial center.

The global crisis creates favorable opportunities for increasing the activity of Chinese enterprises abroad.

By weakening the monopoly position of TNCs in foreign markets, it lowers the threshold for a rapid increase in Chinese investment. In fact, the PRC is turning from an exporter of goods to an exporter of capital. The significant decline in commodity and energy asset prices around the world creates favorable opportunities for Chinese enterprises to pursue foreign mergers and acquisitions. The total volume of Chinese foreign investment in 2008 was $52.1 billion, almost twice as much as in 2007, with mergers and acquisitions accounting for half of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the non-financial sector. In 2009, the volume of Chinese FDI abroad is expected to exceed the volume of actual FDI used in China11 for the first time.

After the negative effects of the crisis are eliminated on a global and national scale, China's favorable opportunities for continuing successful economic growth can be relatively quickly restored and further strengthened.

This will continue its ascent to the top of the global economic system. The system itself can also benefit from this, becoming more stable, more versatile and balanced, and less dependent on cataclysms in any one part of it, no matter how important or even dominant it may be.

During the first half of the PRC's sixty-year existence, relations between Moscow and Beijing alternated between euphoria and bitter disappointment. They began to take on a fundamentally different character when ideological frenzy began to give way to sober calculation in both countries.

With the end of the cold war, neither Moscow nor Beijing will allow themselves to be manipulated for the benefit of a third party. Their strategic partnership is based on the proximity of basic national interests. It consists in the fact that both countries face 2 main similar and interrelated tasks. First, it is all - round development, and second, it is a progressive increase in openness to the outside world, further inclusion in globalization, while preserving and multiplying one's national cultural and civilizational identity. To achieve these main goals, both countries need a favorable international climate and a stable and peaceful environment in the world. Both countries are ready to meet the challenges of the time with dignity and simultaneously confront threats to their stability and integrity.

According to opinion polls, the majority of Russians view China as a friendly country and sincerely wish the Chinese people the fulfillment of all their best aspirations and hopes.

The author of the article recently turned 80 years old. The editorial board congratulates the venerable scholar and prominent sinologist on this anniversary.

1 Deng Xiaoping Wenxuan (1975-1982 nanny). [Selected works of Deng Xiaoping ((1975-1982)]. Beijing, 1983. pp. 288-289.

2 Ibid., p. 132.

3 These include, for example, Feng Tsundae, now living in France, who now says: "I personally don't think it's possible to introduce democracy quickly in China. Moreover, I believe that it would be dangerous" / / Zhong wenwang Air Force, 4.06.2004.

Li Shenzhi 4. Ye yao tuidong zhengzhi gaige. [It is also necessary to promote political reform] / / Gaige, 1998, No. 1.

5 Gongjian: shiqi da hou Zhongguo zhengzhi tizhigaige yanju baogao [Scientific Reports on the reform of the political system after the 17th CPC Congress]. Beijing, 2008.

6 Cit. by: SolikeLin Yifu. Shijie jingji fusu qujue yu Zhong Mei. [The rebirth of the global economy depends on China and America]. Shichang bao. 16.03.2009.

Lin Yifu 7Dalaimi M. Zhong Mei jingji waijiao xin tujing [New perspectives of Chinese-American economic diplomacy] / / Caijing, 2009, N 6.

8 The term "Chimerica" was coined by Harvard University Professor N. Ferguson as a metaphor for a kind of marriage between a Chimeric husband who works hard to earn a living (China) and a Chimeric wife who spends it (America). Ferguson N. What's to become of "Chimerica"// American Interest, 2009, Jan./Febr.

Qian Wengrong 9. "Zhongmeigo" by dy zhenshi itu: shiitu ba Zhongguo biancheng Meigo fuyun [The true motive of "Chimerica": to turn China into an appendage of the United States] / / Banyue tan. 28.04.2009.

10 According to the IMF, China ranks 104th in the world in terms of per capita income (between Armenia and Iraq) - htpp: / / www. imf. org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2009/01/weodata/weorept. aspx?su=2008&scsm-18

11 Zhongguo zhengquan bao. 19.05.2009.


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Wan Yong
Tianjin, China
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28.04.2024 (83 days ago)
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